making short term military gains in russia, but you will fail in the long run. >> you've criticized the government for being slow on sanctions. i talked to mr. raab about that a moment ago. what would labor do about mr. abramovich? neither of whom are on the uk sanctions list, as far as we know. >> we've been arguing for sometime, for nearly six years since the scale of money that help keep putin in power pushing through london, that actions be required. and for six years, we've been ordering for a crime bill that the house of commons, only tomorrow, we'll get to debate for the first time. so, the sanctions that the government has been willing to put in place, the legislation it's had in order to do so, has been faulty and flood for too long.

so, that's why this morning, keir starmer is saying to the government, finally, this economic crime bill is important. it will give us some of the legislative and economic weapons we don't yet have. but it needs toughening up. and if the government will work with labor to do that, during the passage of this legislation, getting it through the house of commons and lords, we'll get full cooperation. >> this invasion has forced, i think, many people to rethink stances that they've had about things for a long time. sweden now plans to spend more on defense. so does germany. will labor support a significant increase in the uk's military spending? >> labor backed the increase in capital spending the cat the prime minister announcing late 2020. i would expect to see a big boost to defense in the budget

in two weeks time. the government must respond to increased threats and increased threats to our security in europe. just as labor did when we were in government after the 9/11 attacks on the twin towers. >> john healy, thank you very much indeed for your time this morning. >> thank you. >> ukrainians are waking up today 11 of war. british military intelligence has said that both the scale and the strength of the ukrainian resistance have continued to continue to frustrate a russian invasion. they did estimate the -- number of refugees could reach 1 million and a half this weekend. ukrainian citizen anna stanley -- joins us now from their kyiv. good morning anastasia. >> good morning, i. thank you for having me. >> thank you for joining us. tell us, first of all, tell us

how you personally are? and what is the situation on the ground where you are? >> well, now it's relatively safe where i am. the first two days i've actually spent in the kyiv city center with the my boyfriend. then we had a chance to escape to the kyiv nearby. we still hear a lot of other explosions and shootings and everything. so, even though it is safe-ish you, can't really be safe right now anywhere in ukraine. but i am in the house. we have food. we have electricity and light and everything, so i am lucky, if you may see. compared to other people who are in much, much worse

situations than we are. >> where you are, are you able to move around at all? our or you can find to -- >> know, we don't leave the house. i have left the house in over ten days. only outside i go is the little outside garden that we have here on the actual house garden. where we can walk our dog and that's it. i haven't gone outside. my boyfriend did. he goes sometimes to get some food. that's still a challenge because all the nearby shots shops, they don't have anything pretty much. you have to get their really early to get some milk and maybe one loaf of bread. and that's pretty much it. >> is the most difficult part of what you're having to deal with on a day-to-day basis?

>> the fear of not knowing. of weather [noise] if you're going to make it or not until the morning. basically. because you don't know where they will shoot next. or where they will come next. that's definitely the most terrifying part. but finally i got a chance to get my parents here, because they were all staying in the kyiv city center and they didn't want to leave. i was begging them, because we're actually in the house with my boyfriend's parents. and i had a chance to get my parents here two days ago. i'm more at peace, but still, it's terrifying. >> i can tell how difficult it

is. you are in contact on social media, i think, with a lot of other people. particularly young ukrainians. what are you hearing from them? >> i have a lot of ukrainian friends and friends all of the world, because i actually went to school in england. so, i have people all over the world. and ukrainians as well. what i see on social media is remarkable, because everyone is trying to help each other. and everyone -- we have 100 followers, they're trying to spread the word as much as possible. and help us. i have a lot of ukrainian friends who are not in ukraine and they're doing so much for us.

the community that we have here is truly inspiring. and we've always been very, very loyal to our country. very loving of our country. very proud to be ukrainians. but at this point, it's just got to next level. absolutely, crazy level were people who never spoke, they don't know each other, they're from different ends of ukraine -- and ukraine's big -- they are willing to put their lives down to help someone else. we have so many volunteers, tragically, who have been killed on the way to help others. >> what would you, if you had the chance to speak to people all over the world, what would you like the rest of the world to be doing? >> well, i would like to say

thank you to everyone who is helping. that's really -- we're very grateful. but i want to really see is that we're not as far as you think. what's happening here, is not as far from you as you might think. what's happening here can tragically, unfortunately, have been to anyone at this point. because the dictator, our neighbor, mr. putin, he's a mad man and the, one knows what's in his mind. he's bombing our nuclear power plant, you know? the biggest one in europe. one of the biggest. and everyone knows chernobyl. and if this tragedy happens, that six times bigger.

and no one is going to be able to hide or be -- that's away, that's in ukraine, that's far. so, i just want to say that we're not far. what's happening here is not far. all the closing of the sky for us, at some point, it could be too late. at some point -- i just don't understand how many innocent lives have to be taken. the kids and everyone, for other people to finally understand that it has to be done. there is no point where you can be like, okay, yes now we can finally do it. it has to be done. it has to be done. >> anastasia, thank you very much indeed. and from us in london -- >> thank you.

>> so, could the uk be doing more to help ukraine defend itself? and if so, what could that mean for britain's own security? air marshal philip osborne is a former chief of defense intelligence and director at the university of defense at security solutions. he's here with me. good morning, air marshal. >> good morning. >> mr. zelenskyy and his people, you just heard -- once the introduction of -- we understand the formal reasons but do you think that is going to be true forever? is going to be true fo>> i guese west wants to end up. literally, you can put them close enough. it's complex. it's dangerous. it has a risk associated with it militarily. but i think the issue is less

than military reason. it's much more the consequences. a while ago, i've been involved in policing no-fly zones. and the critical issue is, you have to enforce -- but that means there's not just threatening, and sometimes shutting down opposition aircraft. it means targeting air defense systems that are trying to stop you operating in the no fly zone. in this context, it would mean we would have to be willing to attack russian, perhaps belarusian forces, not just in ukraine but perhaps in belarus and perhaps in russia. so, that risk of escalation, significant escalation, and quite clear path to further conflict, is something that the west has got to be comfortable with. has got to be ready for if it implements a no-fly zone. >> do you think the intelligence assessments for politicians will be getting now

will be saying, you could do that? but in truth, rather than creating a situation in which the russians are belarusians can back off, it would be an balanced provocation for them to step up their firepower? >> i think we have to perhaps take a step back here. putin is in a whole. he is in a corner. he's personalize the conflict in ukraine. and therefore, that brings with it all kinds of risks. his options are not nearly as clear as they were at the start of this conflict, only 11 days ago. and also, at home, he really needs to maintain a narrative. maintain a rationale, which is where he's going at the moment. this is counter nato.

this is to stop nato expansion. this is all about the security of russia. part of the implementation of a no fly zone gives him that opportunity to underline that narrative at home. to make this about nato and russia, not about his miscalculation in ukraine. so, i think it is the options that gives him to step up into what he wants to be saying, that is a real risk that the western governments will be thinking about and being advised on. >> okay. let's suppose that doesn't happen. things proceed pretty much as they are now. do you think -- he's told president macron in a phone call last week that he wants to control the whole of ukraine. how realistic is that given the size of that territory?

at the size of england, i think. >> i think there's two things. the size of the territory, welcome back to that. but there's 40 million people that want him there. and they're showing him every day with remarkable resistance, bravery. stoicism. that he just can't hold that country. i think any nation who thinks is going to hold a country of 40 million plus people, who just don't want you there, regardless of the size, is killing themselves. so, he may be saying that taking over ukraine, removing it as a supposed threat to russia, i just can't see him being advice -- even by those yes many that surround him -- that that is possible. and therefore, the must be looking for some kind of way out. perhaps partition. which allows him to shift the narrative to say hey, i've

achieved what i wanted to achieve. but i think to come back to, he's in a corner. this is not where he planned to be. he planned to put a preparation in place on day two. >> one of the reasons things perhaps haven't panned out and where he might have expected is that, as many analysts have said, or other surprised of what seems to be the poor performance of russian forces. has he got a white elephant on his hands? he spent a lot of money bringing the armed forces up to scratch. but they don't seem to be doing what he wants. >> at the heart of military power is people. have you got the right people. the right morale. the right training. and the right skills to do that type of things he's trying to do. so, yes, you're right. there's a lot of expensive equipment. and a lot of it stuck in muddy ditches in ukraine at the moment. if we take a step back again, i think what we're seeing is a

hugely overconfident russian military engaging with the reality of a really high earned, well equipped, highly motivated opponent. so, i think we've seen an error of overconfidence, as far as they're concerned. and they have underestimated the ukrainians. that's led to tactical and operational failures in terms of logistics. in terms of economic control. but i think it's also underline is that russia is just not used to doing this type of stuff. big, coordinated, air, land, maritime operations, on many axes, are really difficult. and nations like uk, the u.s. and others, trained really hard to make -- ensure that you've got that capability. russia has not been doing that. >> is one consequence of him being, as you put it, in a hold,

had he simply just a bigger cudgel by more firepower for, example? >> we're already there. i mean, what we're seeing is the chechnya, a similar playbook. he was trying to be fast. he was trying to be mullet pleated of public opinion. that's clearly not worked. his forces are proving they're not nearly as agile as they felt they were. and therefore, what we're seeing, tragically for, is russia doing what russia normally does. which is when, it's in a whole, it applies extreme violence to break civilian morale. i think personally, the ukrainians, they picked the wrong opponent. and would be >> where we see extreme violence, how extreme? you know what i'm really asking here. what is he prepared to use? >> in terms of, and ukraine,

he'll be prepared to use hostile weapons. he's already seen this. he'll be prepared to use -- weapons. we've seen those deployed. to go further than that, again, is to risk a highly significant escalation. which even those deluded individuals around putin, i think would be advising him against. this is a multi level conflict. and actions at the tactical and operational level do have strategic impact. is a dangerous time and he'll recognize it's a dangerous time. i would assess that this stage, weapons beyond those conventional weapons of mass destruction that i've just mentioned, i can see those being used within ukraine, in a tactical context. >> air marshal, thank you so much. >> thank you. t>> president zelenskyy's

repeated a call for immediate no-fly zone, but his police have so far falling on deaf ears. so, can and should need to do more to save lives to deter vladimir putin? earlier, i spoke to kurt volker. former u.s. ambassador to nato and special rapid representative for ukraine negotiations in the trump administration. >> where we spoke in january, you said that mr. putin had put all the forces in place for a large invasion and it was more likely that not that he would use them. could we have done more to deter him? >> yes. it's unfortunate, but true. we could see it. we could see the buildup of forces. we heard his rhetoric. we knew the invade mans that could not be met. so, it was just becoming increasingly clear that he would invade. i was sure whether it would be trying to take over the whole country and oppose the

government. or just take parts of eastern ukraine. and sadly, what he is very clear about now is he want to kill zelenskyy, decapitate the government and control the entire government. >> do you think that he really is completely bent on his war aim now? irrespective of casualties, international condemnation, and so on? >> yes, in fact, i think he has given himself no way out. he launched this military operation on the thought that it might last two or three days, be fairly easy and it would take over ukraine. obviously not true. russian forces are bogged down in many places. they've suffered a lot of casualties, a lot of equipment losses. and now, the sanctions have kicked in that are truly significant against the russian economy. so, he has to win to save face. to save himself. to remain in power. because if he feels in ukraine and the economy is tanking, i

would not be surprised to see people in russia start to question his delusions. >> do you think this is what might be called cornered rat problem? actually, if you corner the wrath, he or she will just become more savage and do things that, in other circumstances, would be unimaginable? >> yes. that's true. and we're seeing it already. so, multiple rocket launches are firing on civilian populations, apartment buildings as cities. and missile strikes on civilian targets and cities. aircraft. there haven't been their superiority at, that they are trying to. they want to completely suppress the population by breaking its will and defeating the military on the battlefield. >> mr. biden in his state of the union address this week, i

think devoted much more than about ten minutes to ukraine. which seems like a surprise, given the circumstances. do you think that was an indication that in reality the united states now think that there's relatively little a can do to change the course of mr. putin's actions? >> first off, i do want to give president biden credit on two fronts. one of them, he did speak extensively about ukraine. ten minutes in the state of the union is significant. and the first time he brought it up. so, he gave it some priority. and secondly, his rhetoric about defending democracy and standing up to putin's aggression, i thought that rhetoric was great. the problem is that the actions have not matched that rhetoric. and we have been intimidated by russia, i would say. fearing that he might reach for a nuclear weapon. for direct conflict with russian forces that could escalate.

so, rather than deterring russia, he is returning us. >> you've set out this week in an article, a number of things that you think the west, that nato, could be doing. and in particular, you've taken note of the ukrainians themselves have been saying. that what nato should establish a no-fly zone. you've call that in a more limited fashion, i think, then president zelenskyy has talked about. to cover kyiv and humanitarian routes out of ukraine. how would that work? >> first off, we've done this in the past. we've executed no-fly zones over kurdish areas in iraq, for example, when so down hussein was attacking. so, we know how to do this. secondly, we made very clear, this is for humanitarian purposes only. were there to prevent attacks on civilian population from the

air. we do this over kyiv and western ukraine. so i see-limited geographically. they're not coming close russian borders. and we made very clear the morals of engagement. we will not be striking any ground targets, any russian forces, unless fired upon. and we will not be striking any russian aircraft or helicopters, provided the remain outside the zone. and if they enter the zone, then there's a protocol of escalating tactics to escort them out. but if they refuse, then there would be the prospect of firing on them. there are many ways to avoid that. and i think the russians will understand this as well. they might test us, but then i think they don't want to draw us into a larger conflict either. >> let me push back a little bit on that. do you really think that mr. putin is going to play by rules that nato has set out? he hasn't been interested in

nato, what they've had to say about anything, as far. >> yeah, i think it's force that he respects. is force that he listens to. not the rules that are stated. if he sees that we're doing it and we're prepared to follow through. i think he will adjust. >> of course, what people worry about is his reaction might not be a reasonable one that you've just set out, but simply to say, this is an act of war. we are now at war. and you know i'm going to do? i'm going to win this war with every force at my disposal. and we know what that means. including chemical, biological and nuclear. >> which would be horrific. and if that is the kind of dictator and aggressor that we are dealing with in europe, today, that we also know he will stop at ukraine. he will want to subdue ukraine and move on to moldova. i think that was already in the plans. he'll look at georgia and he

may even be looking at the baltic states, which we have an obligation to defend. so, i think is prudent to take steps now to insist the ukrainians, as they have an organized government and military and are fighting back, rather than waiting until his disorganized and ukraine and he's in a corner to move on to other pieces of the empire. >> let me ask you, i guess, a question from our previous interview. if we don't, for example, introduce and no-fly zone, is it your view that ultimately the ukrainians are going to have to submit to russian control? >> no. i think the ukrainians are going to continue fighting. and even if the russians managed to kill zelenskyy, and even if they manage to -- the military organization, then ukraine's will be fighting from the cities and the woods and an internal insurgency against

russian occupied forces. they will go on regardless. >> so, this is potentially what our own foreign secretary called, before the invasion, a potential for a quagmire for the russians. i think she was calling to mind afghanistan. maybe the first egyptian. >> yes. the difference between a quagmire, as we would understand it, and what would be happening in ukraine under the circumstances, is the russians are absolutely -- they won't play by any rules of nicety. they will kill all the civilians indiscriminately. they will be incredibly brutal. and that is again another reason we should be looking at ways to stop this before it happens. >> let me ask you lastly, one thing which as a former official, you've served under number of presidents. including president trump. as we said today, on television

this week, that were president trump in the white house, mr. putin would never have appeared to be so audacious, so brutal, so aggressive. do you agree with that? >> it's hard to know. it's hard to know. there -- there is an element which president trump was highly unpredictable. and i think putin was not sure what trump would do. i also think that he believed that trump was comfortable using force. the way we took out the head of the iranian revolutionary -- or pushed back in syria and against isis. there was a bit of aggressiveness in the approach. which i think putin saw. that also increases uncertainty. that being said, putin's been on this mission to rebuild the russian empire on the ashes of

the former soviet union. he wants to re-gather the territories. he's been explicit about it. so, i think his being driven to do this would be the gays, whether is president trump or president biden. >> countries in the west and elsewhere have -- economic sanctions as the main weapon to public punish russia. so to be the strongest ever imposed against moscow, remains to be seen whether they will be enough to force vladimir putin to think again. tom keating is a financial security expert at the royal united services institute. and he joins me now. good morning, mister keaton. good morning. >> boris johnson insisted at the crescent on wednesday, that britain is leading the way when it comes to sanctions on russia. is that claim justified? >> the uk should be leading the

way. we have a global financial sector full of russian banks, russian money, russian investment. therefore we have to lead the way. and when you look at the water numbers, the government will argue yes, however, the government has put out there that the oligarchs is a measure. and that measure is what is leading the way. >> when you say, -- well who else is ahead of us as it were? >> well, the union and the u.s. was moving faster on individuals. i think the government here have realized that they've tied themselves up in knots with their sanctions law. but in the case where they're freezing bank assets and other parts of infrastructure, the uk is definitely taking a lead. >> do you think that the situation that you have described, at some level, we are lagging behind others, would have been an

encouragement to all the guards to stop moving their wealth? i mean, the marquee example, is wet mr. abramovich is doing at chelsea. >> any oligarch worth or billions of dollars will have contingency plans in place. so, we've seen yachts moving around the world, private jets moving around the world. of course, not all assets coming moves quickly. you can't sell a -- house in london overnight. but we can certainly expect these individuals to put up a tremendous fight if they are sanction in the uk, eventually. >> do you think that the focus that has been on individual big names, and i mentioned one, i spoke to mr. rob about the other is has been helpful? >> i don't think so. i can see how it is appealing to say that all the guards can't hide their money here.

and indeed the uk has had a long, decades long problem with russian money in london, and elsewhere in the country. so this is not to say we should keep ignoring this problem. we have ignored it for too long and we have seen the results of ignoring that. but fundamentally, what we need to be doing is causing the russian academy. getting rid of the oligarchs held, because these are the people who can whisper into britain's ear. but i think, making oligarchs the marquee, the measure by which are going to judge the progress you're making, has been unhelpful for the government. >> you have in fact described the sanctions as toothless. is that a bit harsh? >> that was my response initially. i think the west is weak, and initially, and its first response. the whole point of sanctions is to deter putin at his first opportunity to show that we have a strong business. we've loved it. i'm not saying that the

sanctions particularly on the central bank have been very strong, as i would say they were two plus. however, there is room here. which is sanctions on energy, on gas, on oil. major contributors to the russian economy. and of course, so far that remains untouched. >> what would we do, or what should we do, from your point of view, on those sectors? >> i think there are two things. obviously, the eu in particular has an addiction to russian gas. that is not something that is gonna change overnight. on oil? if we remember back to the iran era. over -- the countries we're told you do not have to cut off your purchase of iranian oil overnight, but you have to demonstrate month on month that you are reducing your imports. so i think that needs to be a near term, and urgent mission. which, the uk should be leon that is well. >> in fact, i seem to recall that the obama administration

had a staggered program of sanctions overtime. which essentially, i suppose, was meant to put the squeeze. is that something you had in mind? >> yes. that's exact thing i'm mad in mind. if we don't sanction energy, then we don't session the russian economy to the extent that we need to. the most massive consequences would be if we indeed get off of energy. >> of course, you said at the beginning of this conversation that london was under special place, because there is so much money of different kinds flowing through here. and there's a lot of conversation about dirty money. allow me to, practically, do you think that we can actually get at this dirty money? because it does not come directly from russia, the people whose names are

mentioned are not on the deeds for the properties, in their own companies, in the distractions like the caymans or cyprus or somewhere else. do you think that we're actually going to be able to get this money? >> it is really important not to mistake taking sanctions action against russia, for dealing with the uk's dirty money with problem. dealing with the dirty money problem needs to be done by strengthening our defenses. this is why the economic crime bill is so important. that will bring transparency to foreign order ship a property in the uk, for example. sanctions do not agree with money. sanctions are for people who are committing human rights violations already stabilizing ukraine. but we have to -- domestically, to stop the money coming into this country. then do our best to it identify the dirty money that is here already. that is very challenging. but not building up our stuff

is inexcusable. >> one of the oligarchy has said publicly, and i think some of them have been saying privately, why are you getting after? us because we really have moral influence over mr. putin. i do have to say that there is some evidence that almost nobody has evidence over putin. and getting after these people will make us feel better, but have no impact, whatsoever, on putin. >> two important points of that. firstly, the u.s. k sanctions law says that those who have support to the russian government can be sanctioned. so there is no doubt that these individuals have three benefited from being close to the russian government. and in some cases, they are guardians of putin's wealth. they have not becoming wealthy without his blessing. and his blessing comes with a price tag. so i think to say that we do

not have influence? that may be right. but to say we have the benefit, and therefore we're not connected to this regime is straight wrong. >> tom keating, thank you very much indeed for your time this morning. >> thank you. >> the uk economy was already under growing pressure from rising prices, and supply chain issues before the ukraine crisis. but now experts predict that things could get even worse. i am joined by rain newton smith, the chief economist at the configuration of british ministry, good morning. >> good morning. >> let's talk about energy, which has come up a number of times this morning. how did serious is the rising cost going to be of this? >> i think it is serious, but i think first and foremost, all of our parts at the moment are to be kept on ukraine. and if you talk to my --

the most in the crane -- there are most concerned about what is their role and how can they help with the humanitarian effort to support people fleeing from ukraine, and, what can they do to implement the economic sanctions that are in place effectively? so i think that is what's most important in any business as mine. you're right, as we look out the four out -- of what this means for the economy, one of the biggest impacts that we are seeing now, or will see in the future, is higher energy prices. and higher inflation. and that will put more pressure on ordinary households in the uk. but i think we have to carry up that in the thing that is almost in peoples minds. is the conflict we're seeing in the ukraine and how we can help support people there, and citizens here. >> i want to come back to that moment. i should ask, you really,

vision -- british television says we have a lot of employees in ukraine, and also in russia. what are your thoughts about the risks to those individuals? and what are businesses doing to protect them? >> yeah, look, i think it's a really difficult time for any business who has staff in ukraine or in russia. and they're asking themselves some really difficult questions. i think, first and foremost, it's supporting any staff or operations you have in ukraine. making sure that they are safe. and of course, many businesses here in the uk, have british ukrainian staff working for them. who have families who are in -- impacted by this dreadful conflict. i thought so definitely with them. and of course, there are visitors as well, in operations in russia who have staff

employed in russia. and what we seen as many businesses have made very difficult decisions to either close their operations in russia, but one of the things first and foremost is to make sure that the sounds that they have in russia are already safe. i don't think there are any easy decisions for businesses here, first and foremost, thinking about the safety and their staff. and then having economic sanctions as effectively as possible. and ultimately, their responsibilities to make jobs here in the uk, and to ensure that they are able to continue to produce goods and services to their customers or clients. >> we turn to that point we were discussing a moment ago about energy. it is still, i think, the issue of the moment for businesses, and for economic ministers. the question of what we do, the

effect of sanctions on the energy sector, obviously, much more sensitive on continental europe. but still a problem for us. partly because, i think you said at the cbi, that any destruction of european gas supply chain could have a more severe shock on the market than we currently anticipate. could you explain what you had on your mind there, and what impact will have on the people here? >> yeah. so i think there are a few things to separate their. first of all, the biggest impact we're seeing on energy prices, not so much oil but also natural gas, is not actually from direct sanctions at the moment. it's from the conflict already that is happening. so i don't think it's just about the sanctions, it's about the fact that world placing the war in europe. and that impacts energy prices

directly. secondly, i think what we do know in the uk in terms of our own exposure is about 5% of our natural gas imports are from russia, from europe. it's much higher, it's about 40% of all natural gas. so that gives you a sense of our direct exposure. but i think what we're seeing happening here in the uk, and we were seeing this impact in pour the conflict reescalate it, is that we are facing high energy prices, that has a big impact on households. primarily in april, the price cap went up as a result of the prices being much higher globally. in october, we might further see an increase in energy -- . that is most challenging for low income households, who spent the bigger proportion of their income on treating their home. so i think disagrees on

households. but the other issue we face is that the businesses themselves higher energy prices have higher cost for their operations. an example, you can get it by particularly in the surrounding -- . energy is a big part of what you are, and the cost of your pace, and that's gone up. significantly. so i think what's important is that the uk government thinks about the impact on households, and particularly low's -- all the things about these businesses, particularly small businesses, that are smart with energy, think about how the transition will be to this move hander g prices. and there's something like -- which is put in place partly to help businesses to -- that can be extended for the next six months to help the extended businesses who are

having much more challenging economic environment here in the uk. >> just returning to this best the severity of sanctions. i know that you have spent a long time get studying china's role. one thing i think is not being talked about too much yet, is whether china might play a role in either, reinforcing, or being neutral to, or actually undermining sanctions. for its new economic relationship with russia. do you think that beijing could in fact come to moscow's rescue is sanctioned start by? >> i think that's really a question for the chinese government. i think what's most important at the moment is that for economic sanctions to work effectively, we need national coordination. and i think would be a shame,

or a bad outcome from that, is that if you can make them retreat from the international corporation. i think we saw last week that the g7 or the uk was leading that primacy -- as well as what we're seeing in g20 countries emerging across the world to work more -- . we need to see more international cooperation. and we need to work with china to make sure these economic sanctions work appropriately. we need that all countries reach out to other governments to work effectively. and it's important that we don't retreat from globalization. that we don't retreat from those conversations and international diplomacy. i think that would be a real travesty for the uk but also for the world economy if we don't engage in some of these international wars. we don't want your oven these other countries to implement these sanctions as quickly as possible. i'm continuing to trade within

the reason of these economic sanctions. >> rain will sit, thank you so much. >> thank you. >> now, despite widespread international condemnation of the attack on ukraine, one of russia's most important allies, china, has been much more less critical. as we've just been hearing. nevertheless, many believe that the actions left beijing in an awkward place. with a key part now that it's grown closer to over the last few years. earlier, i spoke -- to, a political analyst and director of the chinese program and center. in washington dc. >> the relationship has been very muted. it's a response to the invasion of ukraine. do you think that they anticipated this in any way? >> i think they were anticipating russia to do something. biden role in february, the

chinese says, biden has some concerns. and during putin's trip to beijing, that there is some suspicion for russian actions to come. but i don't think the chinese were expecting russia to launch a full scale invasion into ukraine. the most they would do is a reputation of what they did in crimea in 2014. how it force in southern ukraine to become independent, and with russia's support, they will achieve russia's goal of addressing a concern security concern but resolve a full scale invasion. definitely, it came as a shock to the chinese. the chinese are saying that it's overdone, uncalled for. >> where do you think it leads the relationship with moscow, ben? that relationship was being

built up and it was looking pretty close. >> it looks pretty close, but if you look at what china, and russia, their gender is. they don't want the same thing. the chinese has -- as a beneficiary of the international system. and putin called for dissolution of the soviet union which is the biggest tragedy. and the same system that china has banded fitted from has treated russia as a victim. with that said, the russian strategy has been one of a strategy of chaos. basically, using russia's battering power >> this is chris jansing, breaking news, anthony blinken is holding a press conference with maya to show support of the nation on the forefront of the wrist cheugy crisis. let's listen in. >> only three states, the mega

state supported our efforts to consolidate the society in the economy. to build up a democratic state where every single citizen can think freely and exist freely. we are critical for the whole assistance of it by the government, and by the citizens of the united states of america. over the state of time. which announced over 1.7 billion u.s. dollars in assistance to get collin fowler's estate. we do appreciate the firm support of the united states for their sovereignty, and their territorial integrity of the -- . as well as for our european path. i wish you visited our country in -- on the context of the anniversary of our relationship. we do have great plans for the --

of moldova. we initiated the reform of the justice system to eliminates the corruption of the -- . we started working to improve the business investments to improve the economy of the country. investment in local communities, and rethink the education system of our country. to prepare moldova to think better with the challenges of the current -- . and we -- a country which does invest in its people. and it is capable to channel energy, and the creativity of his citizens, in order to build a place where people really want to live. we woke up on the 24th of february, set our plans on hold. waiting a dark period of time. a dark period of time for the

whole region where all airports are grounded in order to strengthen the society around one objective. peace and unity. as far as we know, the war in ukraine is upholding exactly with the -- . we've condemned the military aggression against ukraine. and we called to peace, from the very first hour of the interactions. we continue calling into the dialogue. as well as the possibility to the identify the solution as the only way to seize those abundant actions against ukraine and its citizens. as a neutral country, and this is something we find in our constitution, we decide to stretch a hand of help to the people who are directly affected by the brunt of war. then in the very first hours of the armed attack against ukraine, -- the citizens from their neighboring country, which were

attempting to flee from the bombs. over 250,000 people blot crossed the border from ukraine at the beginning of the war. a big part of those people stay in our country. the employees of the public service, police, customs officers, doctors, social assistance and diplomats. but also there are a lot of volunteers organized at the airports in order to help out the refugees which are arriving from ukraine. thousands of people from all of the regions of the country during this effort. we are entering the republican model of refugees immediately. some hot meal, -- in the placement center, or even in the houses of people. tens of thousands of families in the whole country asked people for of ukraine for this.

it is significant for country. >> we are a nation which is below 3 million and we respect humble incomes. but despite those high charities which represent the increasing in flow of refugees from a neighboring country, we cannot turn our back to them. moldova's welcome to -- they come across exhausted, desperate, after long hours of journey escaping the war. it is our duty to help the mark. and we will continue in this mission to our best accent. this secretary of state does need assistance. and immediate, and significant contribution of the international community. so that our people, and our economy can cope. with this trend ridges and these people. we need urgent assistance for

the accommodation of those people. and the bulk of them are necessary items, and also to be capable to redirect the inflow of refugees towards other countries which have a higher capacity to receive them. some -- the refugees from ukraine, in the upcoming period of time. but only through joint efforts. consistent efforts. of all the partners that we can help out in ukraine. we do need rapid assistance of the international community. first of all, in order to seize there -- and restore the peace. i do hope that the two are that you have taken in those days in those countries of this region, together, with the visit of some other high-ranking officials to the east of ukraine. this is what we all want. this is what we all deserve.

especially the ukrainians. the secretary of state, mr. blinken, republican moldova and the united states, have developed a relationship in those 150 years of operation and friendship relationship. i do appreciate the strategic partnership and the help that we will see each other in some better times. when we will be able to discuss how to advance on the subjects which include -- . i do hope that your visit gives new images to our partnership. we want to continue the political dialogue, the security dialogue between our states. we want to develop projects that have to develop the resilience of our country. as well as dialogue for justice, and to reveal the assets -- . the american partnership will

help us out to strength in the resilience of -- as well as to strengthen the capacity to cope with the -- well a stronger more resilient model can become the most -- as well as an extra hold of the free world. >> [interpreter] thank you miss president now we pass the floor to the secretary of state. >> first of all, a very warm welcome to the republican of mud oreo. it's almost -- to the day of my last visit here. and as you said, i wish it was under different circumstances. thank you as well to the prime minister, the foreign minister, all of our colleagues who have

received us so well today. and i'm also particularly glad that our new ambassador, ken larsson, has arrived here. and just last month, for us to have confirmed ambassadors in place has vital for our cooperation around the world. and that is especially important now. in the 30 years since moldova and the united states began to -- we have never faced a moment as urgent and as challenging as the one we face today. russia's unprovoked, unwarranted war on ukraine has kicked off a humanitarian crisis that is already having a man's defense across the region. including here in the republic of moldova. as of today, as the president said, an estimated 240,000 people from ukraine have crossed the border into moldova. fleeing for their lives. they're mostly women and children, their number will grow. as i told president, moldova

reserves the world's gratitude for welcoming and protecting ukrainians. and as the prime minister, the president for minister and i discussed today, the united states will do all we can to help moldova as the cares people who have already been through so much. our administration has requested of congress, two point 75 billion dollars in emergency insistence, humanitarian assistance, both for its own communities inside ukraine, and also to help countries like moldova supporting refugees, and addressing the humanitarian crisis from outside. it also has the responsibility to help motivate with the impacts of war. it will drive that message in their engagement with international organizations and other countries around the world. russia's invasion of ukraine had is a violation of ukraine sovereignty, territorial

integrity, defined in our u.s. charter. 140 countries stood up against russia's assault. the united states wants to make clear our strong support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries, including the republic of moldova. countries have a right to choose their own futures. model that has chosen the path of democracy. the closer relationship with the countries and institutions of europe. the united states supports moldova in those efforts, grounded in our respect for the neutrality in moldova's constitution. our partnership progresses and addresses the key things of our time. things we should be working in focus on. which is exactly another reason why this wall of choice is such a terrible thing. it takes us away from things that we need to be working on, to be keeping together. we will continue to do that. the united states delivered

hundreds of thousands of covid-19 vaccines to moldova. and millions of dollars of pandemic related assistance. we will invest $18 million in the next year is to help strength and and diversify model this energy sector. where security is vital for your sovereignty. we support the -- lead negotiations. to finalize a settlement to the transaction -- with a special status. and we will seek every opportunity to deepen the ties between our countries. economic ties, educational ties, people ties. because we want our friendship with the people of madonna to grow even stronger. in the face of the global challenges that we face today, we will all gonna be more successful when we go as partners. especially among democratic characters. we like countries that staff -- support inclusive