waxed. natural. sensitive. new dove ultimate antiperspirant. our unique water based formula and 6x more glycerin. helps restore skin to its best condition. new dove ultimate. if it's thursday, president biden asked congress for a massive $33 billion in additional aid to ukraine for the next five months. that is as the u.s. wades deeper into the conflict. we will speak with a special adviser to the white house's national security council ahead. and then addressing the climate crisis and immigration, and we will speak to a couple senators from both sides of the i'll that want to get something

done before the mid elections. and then desantis may care a little bit about 2022. we'll head west as well. we'll head west as well. welcome to "meet the press daily." i am chuck todd in washington, and the white house, this morning president biden requested $33 billion in supplemental aid, money he will be able to drawdown on in deciding how much to turn over to ukraine, and it asked $8.5 billion in economic assistance and $3 billion in humanitarian assistance. the white house now requested more than $50 billion in total for ukraine. to put that level of u.s.

involvement in context, that's more than we spent in afghanistan each of the last five years of our involvement there. we are financing this war, folks. today president biden defended this latest request while also once again labeling vladimir putin a dictator. >> investing in ukraine's freedom and security is a small price to pay to punish russian aggression to lesson the risk for future conflict. you know, throughout our history we have learned when dictators do not pay the price for their aggression, they cause more chaos and engage in more aggression and they keep moving, and the cost of the threats to america and the world keep rising. we can't let this happen. >> president biden's remarks comes as putin is warning of lightning-fast retaliation against any countries that have interfering with ukraine, and many countries already have.

and russia cut off gas and energy supplies to poland and bulgaria, and in fact, it may be the move on bulgaria and poland was about sending a warning to germany. >> you say this is not a poxy war. >> let me be clear. we will not let russia intimidate or blackmail their way out of the sanctions. and then these fires broke out in an oil storage facility in russia, and that's near the ukrainian border.

these fires were from monday. ukrainian officials say they will defend their country in any way they have to. for this, i am joined by mike memoli, and jeb can provide larger context for us. let's start with the aid package. we throw numbers around all the time, a billion here and a billion there, but this 33 billion and plus basically 14 billion we have already done, in a seven month period, we are spending more than we did in afghanistan, and this is all proxy number and it's an enormous request. >> it's an enormous question, chuck, and it's interesting when the pentagon teams first reported the scale of the request, that it was a five-month appropriation to get through it here in washington,

and after we moved the reporting there was pushback from other administration officials of the term massive, and it draws the line of being seen as supporting ukraine and not provoking russia in the process. look at the $33 billion in terms of the breakdown of it, because remember in march, the president requested about $14 billion from congress, and that was balanced about only $3 billion being military assistance. now the balance has shifted from economic and humanitarian assistance being the biggest part to now the military assistance being the biggest part, and that aligns what we have heard of late from lloyd austin, of course, saying the goal now for the united states is to degrade russia's military capability, and this is a administration walking a fine line, and we heard candid remarks to donors about how difficult it has been to keep the west aligned.

he didn't reference any specific countries but certainly germany has been among them. everything the administration is doing is trying to not make this amount the united states versus russia, but about the western world against russia. the president emphasizing today that the u.s. commitment is only a small part of the larger collective of efforts by our allies. >> one other thing i have to ask you about because it was thrown in there, and the president gave his most complete remarks that i have heard in a while on student loan debt. it sounds to me like they are looking for something, and he said what it wouldn't be, which is the full cancelation, but do you have an idea of what it is that he thinks he can do legally? is it just getting rid of interests? what are they thinking? >> so much, chuck, is about the politics and the most fascinating the president did was to refer to schumer as my

spokesperson, and i am thinking that is a remark he has made behind closed doors as well, and biden had resisted some of the more, let's say high costs proposals on the part of his progressive rivals, and there's concern within the administration as this debate is going on about relieving, forgiving debt and begging the question of those that did the right thing, and then there's the larger restructuring of the loan programs, and maybe it's going to be a legislative action. >> thank you. mike, thank you very much. and let me go to ukraine with matt bradley. look, we know the ukrainian officials, the ask is always more, more, more. and whatever we give, it's like, hey, we need more. this is a big pot of more.

>> reporter: yeah, chuck, this past weekend that more, more, more turned to an astonishing we're kind of satisfied. and zelenskyy is going to japan and latin america, begging, shaming foreign governments into giving more and more weapons and more and more money before president biden announced the gargantuan new gift to the ukrainians. zelenskyy said he was satisfied with what the u.s. was giving, and this was a major shift, and he met with the secretaries of state and defense, and now it looks like the tide is turning. the ukrainians see this, not just as the u.s. wanting to degrade russia, and not just that they are trying to align with ukraine, but also the rest of the world thinks ukraine is winning, and they see this as a

massive vote of confidence. >> matt, that's exactly where i was going with this. thank you, matt. general hodges, this is a case where the u.s. seems to have put money where lloyd austin's mouth went, and is this the type of support for ukraine to help ukraine actually win this war? >> chuck, this was so important for secretary austin to talk about, we want ukraine to win. obviously, you know, secretary austin was my boss many years ago, and he's a man of few words so that was not an accident to say that. >> right. >> but also him with secretary blinken, what a powerful symbol, american diplomacy and defense working together there in kyiv, signaling our commitment but also this new direction of policy, and then the very next day, and i like the fact that

mike memoli mentioned this earlier, 40 nations gathering there at the ramstein air base, and this is not just nato but the western world. yes, of course it's a lot of money, but we're talking about not only ukraine winning, but this is about democracy versus autocracy, and most people agree if ukraine loses and if we fail here this will not be the end, so this has such bigger implications and the chinese are watching. >> let's talk about what russia is trying to do. it seems as if they are trying to find ways to see if they can create wedges in the western alliance. that's what the cutting off the gas attempt is, a warning shot to germany. maybe expanding the war to mull dova here, and you have had to study russia the best you can. do you expect them to continue

to be this irresponsible, frankly, if they are losing or fear losing they try something drastic to try and change the trajectory of the war? >> well, you know, of course you know that war is a test of wills, of willpower, and there's always a time and a conflict where one side might begin to give way when both sides are in trouble. i think that the russians are on the edge of their capacity. i mean, there's not like millions more russian troops waiting to come into the fight. they are down to probably, in some estimates, 30% of their precision munitions, they have expanded so many. with us, the united states, our allies and partners, getting behind ukraine the way we are, there's a very good chance -- in fact, i expect ukraine at the end is going to win this. i don't think the russians have the ability to really open up a new front in and around mull

dova, and this would require their navy to demonstrate something it has not been able to do, an amphibious strategy. >> yeah, it reminded me what the cold war strategy was, and we can out spend them and bankrupt them. is that potentially part of our strategy here? we have an unlimited amount of money they are willing to spend, and we don't? >> that is a way to look at it. i don't know if i would look at it that starkly, but our choice is if we don't do everything we can to ensure ukraine's victory here, all of us are going to be dealing with us in so many other ways. i think secretary austin's comment about we have to weaken

russia's ability to threaten its neighbors, it was not just about ukraine, and there are things we can do. ukraine has to be part of a strategy for the greater black sea region. ukraine is not an island. we care about ukraine strategically because of where it sits on the map, and that means we have to fix our relationship with turkey. the secretary just signed another agreement with georgia in the last couple of days, and that was a critical part of the black sea region. this is a bigger theater than just about ukraine. >> general, before i let you go, you are in finland for a nato training course here. do you see anything that would stop what appears to be a glide path of finland and sweden into nato perhaps by the end of this calendar year? >> add this to the growing list of mistakes the kremlin has made. the fins, what a exceptional

group of soldiers people have here, and people realize their security now depends on being part of nato, and the overall security for all of us will increase because of sweden and finland if they do decide to join. these are two very strong democracies, and they both have very resilient societies and they have exceptionally talented and capable armed forces. >> yeah, one admiral said he would take them tomorrow if he was still commanding, and that's how good the fins and the swedes are. thank you for your perspective on this. >> thank you for the privilege. we have the additional questions about the u.s.'s war footing right now, and we will speak to both senators on both sides of the i'll. we have the massive ukraine package. there's an attempt at a bipartisan agenda on climate and

covid. is it realistic? you are watching "meet the press daily." e watching "meet the pres daily.

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and get healthier with golo. welcome back. we mentioned the president just announced he wanted to enhance sanctions on russia and asked for $33 billion for ukraine. and it needs to get through a divided house and senate. and it does require bipartisan support. on monday manchin gathered republicans and democrats to discuss legislation on climate energy, and they will start conferencing in the house with a china bill, and there's no agreement on covid. and usually in the middle of the bipartisan discussions taking place, it's good to have you, senator, good to see you. let's start with the ukrainian aid, and i don't want to get in

the rabbit hole of how it gets passed, and ukrainian aid, and covid aid, and title 42, is that issue going to hold up ukraine aid and covid aid, as it has been? >> i don't think so. when you look at covid and what is going on in ukraine, those are title. >> uh-huh. >> they are issues that are beyond our local national politics, and i think we have to have a real sense of urgency addressing both of them. >> do you get a sense of leaders on both sides of the aisle understand that, or is the lawsuit on title 42 perhaps holding up that deadline helping things? >> it slows things down and allows us to put the attention where we need it right now, which is ukraine, and covid -- i mean, we have to get ready for the next pandemic, whatever it may be. we know there's going to be another one, and we have to make

sure we are sufficiently in charge of rebuilding our public health and in charge of the situation so we don't get caught flat-footed again. >> let me ask about what is realistic here. joe manchin is sort of the one that told us about all of these bipartisan talks. climate and energy bill, i assume it's in response to the war a bit, kind of in response to our problem of high energy prices. what does a bipartisan climate deal look like in your view? >> i think it will have to be a compromise and include aspects that are both embraced and reviled -- >> you live this in colorado, fracking. you lived both sides of the conversation? >> yeah, it was familiar ground when i was talking to manchin a few days ago, and this is geography i know pretty well, and we have to recognize we have to go as fast as we can and accelerate into a clean energy

economy, and we can't take our eye off the ball, and we have to recognize also that we have people who are working americans, making an hourly wage, and a lot of people don't have access to transit or other ways of mobility, so we have an obligation to them that they can make their monthly budget to last. >> is it designed where, hey, i am for a clean energy bill, and can that be something legislated? >> yeah, i think we need a 50-year plan, where we need to get -- i wouldn't say granular, but in the details of if there's going to be enough copper, and when will that come onboard, and the electric vehicles, and each of these things -- we should also be looking at what the

price of crude oil is and how quickly that transition is going and we should try and make sure the working people of the country are not left holding the bill. we have to go as quick as we can to a clean energy economy, and there could be no compromising the speed at which we do that, but we also have to recognize that a lot of people are trying to go to work every day. >> we also made a national security promise when it comes to liquified natural gas and exporting that to europe over the next decade. in order to fulfill that promise, we have to create new infrastructure in this country to do this. a lot of climate activist feel that will set back the ability where all of a sudden if we are going to build all the infrastructure, and natural gas is cleaner than crude oil but not the cleanest thing, and are you concerned if we invest everything to fulfill these new commitments to europe, it sets back our overall climate rules? >> that's why we need a plan, and i think both sides would be

more comfortable if they could see that by 2050 we will get to a clean energy economy, we will be net zero, and whether you are a republican or democrat, you will say i am not sure we need all of that, but we will need enough on both sides to make sure we supply the needs of the united states and europe, and they are our partners, and we are seeing in graphic clarity how important our alliance and relationship is. we have got to support them? >> can this bipartisan group -- i think you can do an energy plan. can they do an asylum fix? i don't think they can do a big immigration bill, but how about an asylum fix? >> we are at a moment where immigration is a mess. this country needs workers desperately. i don't know an industry -- >> or is the inflation issue

this issue. >> it's a huge issue. we do not have the workforce to grow at the rate the economy needs to go. maybe now is the time to address dreamers and agriculture workers, and health care workers, and tie that to an asylum fix and border fix. >> i had a lawmaker say to me, the best way to get congress to act is let them see a crisis at the border. could that be a moment to act or does politics get in the way? >> i don't think we want a crisis at the border. these are human lives. i think we need to do everything we can right now to address the root issues. >> uh-huh. >> i think it's interesting that the people come to the border now along the southern border are not from just central america, a lot from mexico and a variety of places, from ukraine and other parts of the -- of

eastern europe. we have to address that surge and make sure that we have the capacity, the capability to digest it. >> last question is on student debt. you were involved in the presidential campaign and you remember the debate about it. what is the fairest way to do this? >> it's hard. you always have the kid, and every time i go to a roundtable or town hall meeting, there's somebody that just finished paying their debt and worked 14 years paying off the debt, and you have to look at some ways people can work it off. if they want to work on rural health care or education, and -- >> trade for national service? >> trade for national service, that's a fair tradeoff. those kinds of things i think we need to look at if we are dealing with student debt. >> thank you. let's turn to the other side of the aisle.

senator kramer is also in the larger bipartisan group trying some things, but i want to start first with ukraine and the aid. let me ask you this, senator, between covid relief and the ukrainian aid, if title 42 is not inside this conversation, do you suspect ukrainian aid and covid relief come through fairly quickly? >> well, i think if we could have straight up or down votes and we would struggle with covid aid apart from title 42, to your point, but ukrainian aid and the crisis in ukraine is obviously universal in terms of the politics, and who knows when you need something really bad, when there's low-hanging fruit, sometimes you can get things done if it's attached to the low-hanging fruit, but covid is not as low hanging as ukraine is. >> this becomes harder on the

ukrainian aid if it's linked with covid? >> i think it becomes more difficult, and not impossible, and it is more difficult and more political, and ukrainian aid has been bipartisan, and i prefer it remains that. >> you are part of a larger conversation about a climate and energy package. obviously we have national security issues and obligations we have to fulfill with our own energy, with natural gas. we have the issue currently with high gas prices. what is realistic? what would a bipartisan and climate energy deal look like to you? >> that's a important question, and as i listen to john hipper looper, it's no wonder why we are in the same room, and we have the start thinking about the negotiation, what price is one side willing to pay to get

the other side what we they had and want. if we could have fuel neutral things, and by that i mean if we are going to go into the tax code and start talking about credits, and let's focus on emissions and not on the fuel choice, because the fuel choice becomes part of the politics. and chuck, the one thing we don't acknowledge enough, is if all we did, and i am not suggestion this, and if all we did is replace venezuelan oil, we would already be bringing down greenhouse gas emissions and that could be considered climate, but that's not good enough for democrats. i think you put everything on the table. you and i have talked about this enough. >> yeah. >> we can't have a discussion with nonstarters, and let's put everything on the table and work through it, and we have to get into the tax code a little bit and we have to start helping investment and things like carbon capture, and the lng piece is the big piece, it's the

urgent piece where there are a number of projects waiting to be approved. i think opening up more production. you asked an important question about long term and the problem with a lot of this is it's capital intensive, and you can't deal with the crisis at the moment and not give the investor long-term certainty, so i agree with john that we need to have longer term plans to coincide with the longer term investments. >> i know you are trying to figure out if there's a bipartisan answer on immigration, and i will not try and pretend the comprehensive immigration reform can come together, but can you have an asylum reform conversation with this group that you guys are working together with? >> yeah, i mean, it would obviously have to involve other members on relevant committees, but it was interesting listening to you talk, because we have a decent asylum policy that we

enacted, and we had a really short term and long term work-force shortage, and that ranges from part time, low skilled to the highest skilled. we need a skills-based immigration policy, and asylum could fit right into that. right now if you are an asylum seeker and get into the united states and wait for the processing, you don't get to work. we have people that need workers and we have asylum seekers that need income. i think that's a reasonable discussion that reasonable people on both sides could have. >> the politics of this on your side of the aisle, sometimes just being for the visas that you just described, you get from the far right saying there's almost a zero tolerance on any immigration. how do you sell it at home? >> it's an important point, but we are in a window, just like we have the window opening in europe that presents this grand opportunity for a significant climate and energy policy, we have a workforce crisis that

opens up the door for a more significant immigration policy discussion, particularly skills based. you are right, i introduced h1b reforms, and people don't understand it because it has the word immigration attached to it, and people have to step up and explain themselves. i can sell it in north dakota, but everybody needs to sell it where they live. i think there are enough specific examples, whether it's physicians, engineers, or laborers in factories or fields, there's a growing demand, a growing understand of that demand. by the way, inflation itself is driven largely because of supply chains broken and they are from the lack of people to do the work, and i think we're at a moment where the crisis demands the discussion. part of the problem, though, chuck, politically is the biden administration is making it so

easy for a republican to do nothing that some republicans are motivated to do nothing. i like to run through the tape, if you know what i mean. >> i will say this, and it's isolation, and we heard from you and the other senator, and your answers are more similar than different, and that reminds us disagreements are a lot smaller than we give them credit for. >> it's nice to talk about it on your show. that's important and it needs to happen. >> dialogue helps. thank you, sir. still ahead, we will dig more about the president's ask of $33 billion for ukraine money, and what that money will buy? i will talk to the national security adviser. you're watching "meet the press daily." you're watching "meet the press daily.

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old. it will fill a significant gap in the vaccination strategy. children under five is the only age group that do not have vaccines available to them. teenagers are currently eligible for the pfizer vaccine. this news comes as reported covid cases nationwide increase by 50% in the last two weeks and that's without the testing we were used to in the first years of the pandemic. in the same timeframe, deaths have fallen 27% and hospitalizations remain low, and of course all of those are lagging indicators of case counts. up next, florida governor, ron desantis, who is supposed to be up for re-election, and 2024 in nevada, i think we know something is up. you're watching "meet the press daily." ess daily.

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welcome back. we see it every cycle, the mid-term elections are potential launching pads for presidential hopefuls and looking for potential new supporters before they declare a run, and last night we saw one take the stage in las vegas, and stumping for senate candidate, the two were once roommates. and he took plenty of swipes at president biden with derogatory slang mixed in. take a listen. >> i bring greetings from the sunshine state. the freedom state. and the state that has done more than any other state to stand up to joe biden and his floundering

administration. we need people that have the courage of their convictions to stand against things like cancel culture. to stand up to the media. we need people that have the courage to stand in the way of the brandon administration. >> there's the snark, and of course governor desantis is afraid of interviews, as he never says yes to any request for interviews. red meat is an underestimate just in what we heard. >> reporter: correct, chuck, we were told he was not doing interviews, and the crowd was super charged. ron desantis coming in hot to nevada, and with ron desantis

coming here they expected that big crowd, as you played part of what he said. he was trying to connect with peoples' emotions. it's incredible what you have seen him do for a candidate like that that is looking to flip a u.s. senate seat, and if you would have asked anybody last year what kind of opportunity adam laxalt had to gain this kind of popularity, they would not have said you would see these crowds. they talked about being friends before they were in politics, so this was a positive event for adam laxalt trying to catch up. >> did you get the sense most of the folks that came to that event were there for laxalt, or was it curiosity seekers on desantis? >> we know this is the largest event adam laxalt had, and that

tells us many went because ron desantis was there. and republicans are trying to help republicans in nevada flip the senate seat, and you have desantis coming in trying to help, and he's probably thinking of what could happen in 2024. when we were outside, they were selling hats that said ron desantis, 2024. and we did not see the usual trump stuff you would usually see at these rallies, chuck. >> that's interesting. that's the part of this i am trying to figure out, outside of trump is there any other republican that could have gotten a crowd like that that is not from the state of nevada? >> reporter: well, this is the first time we see ron desantis coming in. when you think of the republican voters that support adam laxalt, and it's the same issues ron desantis would talk about what

he has done in florida, and the crowd was thrilled in a place like nevada. as we look at the big picture, the voters here that vote republican will vote republican again, and the important thing is whoever wins they have to win the undecided nonpartisan voters in nevada which is still difficult for somebody like ron desantis or adam laxalt. >> for what it's worth, john crist put out an ad saying if he wants to run for president, and that's something we could not get on the air that we wanted to, and you will see that around. we're going to turn back to the evolving u.s. war footing on

ukraine. i will speak to the adviser to the national security adviser, matt miller. you are watching "meet the press daily." daily.

welcome back. as we mentioned earlier this hour, biden asked congress for an additional $33 billion in additional aid, and it's more proof the white house is committed to funding the war and arming the military, and i am

joined by matt miller from the white house and he's serving as special adviser for the security council. it's his last week with the biden administration as he winds down this temporary assignment. the $33 billion, if you combine it with additional -- that's a big statement here. how much should we expect from our nato partners in addition to our 33 billion? >> it's a great question, chuck. to also work with our nato allies to get additional assistance into ukraine. sometimes that means weapons that we don't have in our stocks. the s-300 anti-aircraft systems that ukraine knows how to

operate, that we don't have in the united states but other soviet countries do have. at other times it there are artillery systems that are soviet era or russian artillery systems that fire a different type of shell than u.s. nato system. we worked with former soviet countries to get those shells into ukraine. as we provide new types of artillery, we're still working with our partners now. you've seen new commitments even this week to provide heavy armor to ukraine. >> i want to ask about a couple of specifics here, a stronger nato force. are we going to expand the troops in eastern europe? we've been moving some temporarily. are we going to start to see some of these temporary shifts

in u.s. troops at nato bases more permanent? is that what we should read into this? >> i wouldn't want to get ahead of future announcements. there are around 80,000 u.s. soldiers in europe at the beginning of this war, pre-february 24. there are now 100,000 u.s. forces and we made clear one of key conditions of our strategy so they can defend themselves is to make clear they will strengthen and defend nato. they've done with with deployments into nato territory and we'll continue to look at what the best options are to secure nato for the long term. >> is it fair to say that we are essentially putting money now where secretary auston's mouth went yesterday, and i say this no disrespect, but secretary auston said our goal is to weaken the russian military so they can't do this again. well, this seems like a big

financial down payment to backing up that pledge. is that our policy now, we want to essentially drain dry the russian military? >> let me be clear about what our policy is. our policy is to make this war a strategic failure for russia. that means seeing them defeated on the battlefield in ukraine, drying up their finances and limiting their ability to finance this war and it does mean limiting their ability to project power overseas. we designed from the beginning our sanctions and our export controls to dry up critical components, critical pieces of technology that the russians use in sectors like defense, aviation, ship building to project power overseas. these policies were always designed to work together. the javelin anti-tank missiles, you can see them on social media, of russian tanks -- devastated russian tanks

littering on the battlefield. so the two main tank building factories in russia have halted operations or shut down because they don't have the components they have to replace those tanks. our policies are designed to work together to deny russia's ability to finance and project power short term and weaken them over the long term. >> the concern about russia now trying to -- maybe it's a little saber rattling, obviously the cutting off of gas in poland and bulgaria to try to send a message and try to drive a wedge in the alliance here. what is the concern that russia will essentially out of desperation try to expand the battlefield because they're losing on the one that they have right now? >> well, one thing that's been consistent since the beginning of this conflict is russia making threats. they made threats first and foremost to ukraine and then invade the country. they made threats to other countries in nato, to other countries in europe. they used economic threats and

at times seem to threaten military action. we have been clear what our response will be every step of the way. president biden made clear to president putin at the beginning of this war if they invaded ukraine there would be consequences. we've imposed those consequences. we made clear if they invaded nato territory, we would defend nato territory. there's the risk that russia takes action but we will impose consequences on them if they do. >> you saw the blind quotes from others this morning, from european leaders about the secretary's comments. what is the back channel conversations been to our european allies who think our rhetoric on putin may back him into a corner? >> we have not heard any such concerns in conversations with our european partners. and one of the things i think has been striking from the

outset is how united the united states and our european allies and partners have been. it was clearly putin's goal to divide the west, to cleave america off from nato and the rest of europe he has failed in that goal. it's why president biden has spent so much time to repair our diplomatic alliances and so far we've been successful. >> do you think there's a distinction between russia not win and russia must lose? >> there's a semantic distinction. our goal has been clear, we want ukraine to win this war. >> the last week of your temporary duty but i have a feeling it may not be. appreciate it. and thank you all for being with us this hour. doesn't miss our new episode of our "meet the press reports" at 10:30 tonight eastern and will

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