something you your sports h.q. . welcome to on contact today we're going to discuss why joe biden is not f.d.r. with a historian and author paul 3 we were look back at the thirty's and the new deal and how they happen they happen because it was thunder on the left there was dissent in the streets right before the social security. and the ragnor act probably the 2 key progressive lynch in measured far from perfect in the excluded much of the minority black population from their coverage and should not romanticize the new deal but they were breakthrough pieces of legislation for much of the working class appalachian old age pensions and the legalization of organized

it's like martin the year before those happened there was there was a. gigantic longshoreman strike all across the western homes there was a general strike led by transfuse teams in the twin cities there was a national x. style strike there were hunger marches from coast to coast and every major city in this country had a resurgent left. up in the in the twin cities it was often syndicalist out of you w n trotskyist in chicago and detroit it was communist probably the dominant and it was the communist party i did issues with the communist party but also a lot of great organized. don't be fooled by joe biden in knows his infrastructure and education bells have as much chance of becoming law as the $15.00 minimum wage or the $2000.00 stimulus checks he promised as a candidate he knows his a. hurrican jobs plan will never create as he says millions of good paying jobs

jobs americans can raise their families on any more than nafta which he supported would as was also promised create millions of good paying jobs his mantra of buy american is worthless he knows the vast majority of our consumer electronics apparel furniture and industrial supplies are made in china by workers who on an average of one or $2.00 an hour and lack unions and basic labor rights he knows his call to lower deductibles and prescription drug costs in the affordable care act will never be permitted by the corporations that profit from health care he knows the corporate donors that fund the democratic party will ensure their lobbyists will continue to write the laws that guarantee they pay little or no taxes he knows the corporate subsidies and tax incentives he proposes as a solution to

a lemonade the crime prices or deal with it will do nothing to hold all oil and gas fracking shut down coal fired plants or whole the construction of new pipelines for gas fired power plants his promises of reform have no more weight than those peddled by bill clinton and barack obama who biden slavish lee served and who also promised social equality while betraying working men and women joining me to discuss the biden administration and its continuity with the democratic and republican administrations that preceded it is history professor and author paul st so paul i know you like i have been stunned at the response by liberals and progressives endowing biden with a kind of radical agenda that's just not there explain to me what this is about

and why it's happening. so what it's about is brandon. nothing new you may recall when alabama was elected in 2008 there were all kinds of. frankly absurd and now it's he said after you are in the new deal being made i came to new york to sell my book barack obama in the future of american politics and just received all kinds of pushback from progressive not just from liberals who wanted very badly to believe that this was a new deal moment so this is kind of a recurrent theme. christopher hitchens once described the essence of american politics is the minute the elation of populism. by elites of the middle of the word is populism in a big fake progressivism in the claim that there are all these things happening or that might happen that really aren't happening and i'm going to happen and they're certainly not the kinds of things you knew deal progressivism that one would have

any reason to expect from biden and the basis of is very long term political career in washington d.c. they used to call this guy the senator from mastercard he rolled back thank reps he protections he backed corporate price fixing as a senator he helped coca-cola avoid antitrust prosecution he was a champion of the north american free trade agreement he helped champion financial deregulation in the 1990 s. and one high end of the the so-called welfare reform in other words the elimination of family basic family cash assistance for very poor families and and i could go on and it's it's all rather silly but it's part of the sales job right and if it is made to some extent also expressed a desire on the part of certain commentators and others for something like that we

are after all in in a period of just absurd. income and wealth inequality which is intimately related back to. rampant insecurity and and problems of ego side in excessive corporate control and oligarchies and all those things so perhaps are some wishful thinking involved in all of this is well. let's talk about his address to the nation because he acknowledges that social inequality he acknowledges the climate crisis and then you have a response nicholas kristoff in the new york times jonathan alter and others but let's look as i know you have let's look at that speech itself because there are in fact are some very disturbing i think trends within that speech or especially in terms of foreign policy but let's let's go through the talk well you know i do instead a couple times and one thing that really unless it. was the embrace of the notion

of competitiveness american competitiveness in the american competition also jobs but i mean i actually wrote down america is rising a new he said maybe to take off on the move again and then of course these are the who else china so this embrace of competition which is really the embrace of the core anarchy and insecurity of capitalism competition means insecurity in the lives of all of most american in the most global people but everything when you're speaking the language of competition and competitiveness which to me is also following marx's analysis the language of anarchy and chaos you are sort of saying that everything's going to be supported the profit be subordinated to profit rates and to international imperial competition in reale politics and that means that all the other things that you purport to be for

rolling back inequality in increasing labor rights and social justice not that are probably going to go by the wayside because it's all about making america great again when you think about it he wouldn't step language they'd be afraid of the really how different is america is rising a new america is ready to take off again it's just a sort of a more sophisticated neo liberal democratic way yes to make america great again and how different is it in a and in fact in some ways on the foreign policy level it's actually more aggressive and more imperial sounding than the trump who was no isolationist there's a there's a bit of a myth a mythology about that but but but. for whatever reasons have a kind of. less imperial take particularly on russia. and yeah some of the language was a it was very. sermon to say the least what's your response to the people who are

trumpeting biden as the new f.d.r. people like crist of all turn others i'm just kind of amazed by it and i don't yet i'm not surprised by it it's just sort of stunningly inappropriate i mean f.d.r. got to the point by them by the mid thirty's when he was going for reelection that he would repeatedly say he would denounce the economic royalists you know it's right to do it and he cleaned up in 1936 with the 2nd election the park as he did because that's how americans and he and he actually said i i welcome their hatred i welcome the hatred of the economically of course he was from the economic staff he was just part of why he could get away with it as much as if my dentist said to manhattan donors and 29 t. he said i have no interest in demonizing millionaires and billionaires i don't think you're the problem and nothing will fundamentally change when i'm elected president no one standard of living. will ever change f.d.r.

. to some extent pushed some very real public sector job creating interventions in the economy the c.c.c. the public works in ministration tennessee valley authority i don't want to exaggerate how much of that there really well but there was some of that i regularly use parks that were built by the c.c.c. and you know in the upper midwest in truly neat there's no there's no actual job creating direct public sector infrastructure building vines agenda that i can see it's all this infrastructure plan if it gets through course it's going to be watered down by joe manchin republicans. does not involve direct you know public. good job. biden even in his in his speech claiming to be sort of progressive is only talking about bringing tax progressively back to the era of

george w. bush he wants i think what 40 percent tax on the upper income brackets george w. bush before reagan it was in the seventy's it tapped up of the top tax bracket and under f.d.r. and during world war 2 was in the 90th percentile so it's nothing remotely close to that probably the most remarkable thing that came out of the new deal from mike respected in a previous life i was a labor historian on this is really critical piece of legislation called the national labor relations act the way in many ways it was the magna carta of the emerging industrial workers mass production industrial union movement and i didn't hear one reference maybe i missed it to this to a bill that would essentially really galoshes union organizing in august and passed by the house the pro act. and then he's been passed by this senate i mean if he was really if we were talking about joe biden as the entire nation of the us that would

have been highlighted front and center in his speech. and you know it has problems in the senate but he doesn't have to if he would go and energetically and aggressively after. filibuster the filibuster has to go he hides behind these archaic. 18th century senate rules in this ridiculous body the upper chamber of the u.s. congress where wyoming has as many representatives as california even though wyoming has less than 600000 people and california has almost 100000000 people to open rejection of the core democratic principle one person one vote and anyone who is serious about moving forward on a progressive a can in a new deal kind of way is anything like jonathan alter and nick kristoff of the new york i'm want to thank you as he be going after the filibuster it be pushing for washington d.c.

statehood quite frankly if i was in the white house had been raising the issue of the apportionment of the senate was absolutely ridiculous he would be doing something that f.d.r. did f.d.r. wielded the threat of expanding the supreme court that is how the way agner act was alternately ruled constitutional in 1937 the magna carta of the labor movement and all and by him him as have some rhetoric about expanding supreme court which you know is it's certainly to the right of american public opinion $63.00 majority supermajority right wing supreme court in a majority progressive nations preposterous and you have expanded he recently just appointed a blue ribbon commission so you know do a study of nadya's sometime we like to. expanded this current me sort of new york fascistic far right supreme court which has to be positioned to invalidate roe v wade so i mean these are the kinds of things are real progress there would do it

not the other thing they leave her out and if they won't if they don't seem to be capable of saying one to say is that it isn't just about who the president yes it isn't just about who's sitting in the white house it's who sitting in the streets and sitting on the shop floor engaging in direct i got it we're going to come back about paul we're going to come what we're going to come back exactly that point when we come back we'll continue our conversation about the proposed reforms of the biden ministration but history professor and author paul straight.

oh yes. the pike. welcome back on contact we continue our conversation about the proposed reforms of the biden ministration with history professor and author paul street so before the break you mentioned quite correctly that it matters far more who's in the streets and this was true for the new deal and for f.d.r. as well so claiming that biden is going to somehow deliver the new deal is as false as the notion historically that f.d.r.

didn't deliver the new deal without serious kind of pressure sit down strikes in flint to find farmers revulse but lay out that historical period because it shows how progressive legislation actually comes about yeah well so. in his new york times face jonathan alter actually has this line this is a piece in mid april and jonathan alter liberal biden obama has actually has this line that what we're going to find out if biden you know if we're if we're really going to get the new deal it altered things that i didn't want to do this suppose a transformative break with neo liberalism i want to find if i can do because i can find out if he has the edge that that's what he said you know to to bend people's arms in congress because that's how stuff gets done we were look back at the thirty's and the new deal and how they happen they happen because it was thunder on the left there was dissent in the streets right before the social security act

and the ragnor act probably the 2 key progressive linchpin measures far from perfect in the excluded much of the minority in black population from their coverage incidentally we should not romanticize the new deal but they were breakthrough pieces of legislation for much of the working class population old age pensions and the legalization of union organizing and martin the year before those happened there was there was a. gigantic longshoreman strike all across western coast there was a general strike led by trotskyist teamsters in the twin cities there was a national textile strike there were hunger marches from coast to coast and every major city in this country had a resurgent left. in the in the twin cities it was often syndicalist i w w n trotskyist in chicago and detroit it was communist probably the big i mean in

tennis it was the communist party out of issues of the communist party but also a lot of great organized and they were on the ground and they were present and when there were issues in a city like chicago and people that are effective because they couldn't pay their rent because they had lost their jobs and the cops would come in a vic. then a black woman on the south side would say quick go get the reds and people knew where they were and they went and got him and the reds came with loudspeakers and organized mass resistance and this was true all over america and this thunder on the left shows up in the congressional debates. that lead to the passage of a lot of progressive legislation in the mid thirty's if we don't do this then we're going to get revolution and course there's a soviet union at that time and there's fear of revolution elsewhere in a country that so there's a global kind of sense of threat of a left and that's not happening that's always been one sort of kind of thing

missing you know another piece that's missing historically too is what the late split will kind of this giovanni ribisi called workplace bargain power there were of these remarkable capital intensive industries they could be shut down they could be crippled by a static in a body plant in michigan or in or in the chicago packing houses in armor or slits where a bunch of left militant workers could stop the killing or and a huge whole gigantic $10000.00 worker plan would go down the whole continuous flow of production the foundries of the river move plants and or all that kind of ability this capacity to disrupt. capital intensive industry was a really big part and it's in its ability to potentially undo a recovery from the great depression was a big part of what happened in the 1930 stoppages direct actions in the why did that sense that time a lot of jobs have left its country production has been off shored that kind of

capacity doesn't exist that doesn't mean direct action is irrelevant but anyone who is really serious about calling for progressive changes would be this is something even bernie sanders barely do this i slice the number of things on the left and including noam chomsky who have a lot of respect for extensively claiming that bernie sanders was a strong advocate of social movements beneath and beyond electoral politics since we need you know this is what i have uncovered wrote about in the book or people's movements as this continues this isn't just the thirty's this issue in the sixty's was true in the progressive ages during the 1000 century stuff happens when you have social movements in the thin beyond these quadrennial candidates and are major party electoral its gravity answers that are sold to us as the only thing that about politics in burnie at the end of the day was really ultimately about. the

squadron it was traveling in and you know a o.c.n. him say things that sound different every once of it's really they're really in meshed in this corporate captive realm of electoral politics so if you risk your issues about all of this you become pling it is a call for people in the streets i thought under trond that if democrats were serious about getting trump out of there and i thought trump deserved nass movements in the street i'm glad the trump is gone to report to me the trump is on he's not going the way i think he should have been he should have been worst out i'm nass action and the democrats never called for him if they did it's just their job is to he is the one my child has always one of their top jobs is to keep people off the streets and when people have occupied all over this country in the fall of 2011 obama made sure to subtly work with democrats in. cities most sicko's infiltrate in dismantle the occupy wall street which was an actual

populist rebellion for a while i want to talk about the consequences so most of this money that biden has proposed will go either to corporations or to the states with just a tiny minuscule amount one time tax of $1400.00 of unemployment benefits which are about to expire a tax credit for children but really just you know the doesn't in any way deal with the structural athol right on the working class. what are the consequences most of all you've got to run out by the end of the year what are the consequences of that politically. well i think there's a very you know they say there's a tendency almost always 134 and roosevelt was an exception. for the party out of power to lose the house of representatives that the party in presidential power usually uses the mid term elections are rare exception when it

doesn't have 134 was won because of the total discrediting of the g.o.p. by the great depression and herbert hoover and f.d.r. s. . pretty sophisticated public relations and promises in the end and george w. bush because of $911.00 and all the sympathy he got after the general energized the typically the other party comes in i would think i would think that that's to happen again and strong possibility also given the fact of the credible g.o.p. rightward gerrymandering of our house districts contrary there is a bell that came out of the house it's an election reform so that targets gerrymandering who's to do them and also targets all these races vote republican voter suppression that's going on in the states but he can't get past this and that until we get past the filibuster and. and.

sleepy joe biden and king joe mansion we just have certainly powerful mouth of the nation have a voice their opposition to getting rid of the filibuster so will get passed so. we're going to look to the threat is the most of the standard democratic party in authentic opposition party demobilization of their own pace opening the door for electoral triumph of the. power of a republican party that isn't just my grandfather's republican party sort of white nationalist a neo fascist who has been for a while. this happened in 2010 i mean this is the story of george meant in many ways along with the of sort of if the electoral college of your stories of george bush is all and to elections to some extent the story of how that's

a big part of the stir that the democrats demobilization want to raise a big part of trump's initial election from 16 it's a part of the tea party midterms in 22 and i think i'm not a prognosticator or or an electoral 538 you know i have my sense is that the experts are giving a very strong chance of the g.o.p. uniting the house and i imagine that could involve some revenge impeachments. you know the the as show deepens you know. and if it could potentially bring a republican back. god forbid maybe even trump himself in 24 unless biden and the dems were to get really serious and to get serious would mean among other things embrace in structural and institutional change and in the policy system itself they're scared to get rid of

the filibuster event of a public figure. them and then there are all of us well guess what we don't have we can't move forward without things like re new young life a real federal minimum wage with a real legal ization of union organizing don't be scared you know that i'm going to do with this and i might try to go to mindset and see if i was a progressive democrat but i'll do that for a 2nd don't be scared then jam the stuff through that has majority support in such a way to guarantee that the republicans can't come back and this is the part of their power that should our party that needs to be swept into the dustbin of history anyway do it but they won't actually want to they're caught up in a codependent. mutually reinforcing relationship with an increasingly white nationalist neo fascist g.o.p. is a very sick game and is being played on all of us in the rich get richer the poor get poorer the types of one percent had 90 percent of the wealth before trouble is even

elected god knows what the maldistribution is now after coding i did hear biden say something to the effect that $643.00 rich people became a trillion dollars more wealthy. during how that you were going to have other job. probably not but you did well in the democratic party works for goldman sachs and citibank and that's who they work for and also biden has always worked for and that is the fundamental structural problem with american politics thanks that was history professor and author paul straight on how joe biden is not f.d.r. .

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