a smart candidate's application for entry creates inflated expectations that the ukrainian authorities are trying to support. let's try to trace the history of these european clothes in the early nineties literally in 2-3 years. after the declaration of independence, things did not go beyond political declarations in the ninety. third. the verkhovna rada in one of the resolutions declared the priority of the european vector and the desire to seek accession to the eu in 1994 ukraine and the eu signed an agreement on partnership and cooperation, but it entered into force only in the ninety-eighth. though ukraine at the official level asserted that its state strategy, full-fledged membership in the eu from brussels at that time spoke only about the possibility of comprehensive cooperation in 2002

, romano-prodzi, the then head of the european government of the european commission said that ukraine had no reason to talk about eu membership for sure just as morocco or moldova do not have them, the european union was then preparing for a new wave of expansion of the strange baltic. malta and cyprus to the eastern european states and understood that he could hardly digest even where can we even talk about ukraine ? . what is the european union and how to live well in europe in 2004 on the maidan, the wording against cooperation

with russia for cooperation with europe was one of the most popular in 2007 by the then president yushchenko in an interview said that ukraine would become a full member of the eu in 10 years, it was in 2007 that negotiations between ukraine and the european union began, and the conclusion of the association agreement on moods was speculated not only by yushchenko, but also by yanukovych in early 2013, he led an active campaign to prepare signing an agreement with the eu, but when in november, after assessing all the real consequences of associations for the country's economy, he made a sharp turn, this ended with a new euromaidan and yanukovych's flight from the country hysteria yanukovych and russia is depriving us of the european future has done its job. the association agreement with the eu is still in force

today. true, even at the time of signing the demand of the netherlands, a clause was introduced into it, according to which kiev was denied the right to become a candidate for eu membership. in 2019, the deputy prime minister of ukraine for european integration at the flock demanded its revision. according to the deputy prime minister, the quotas for the supply of ukrainian goods to the eu provided for by the agreement did not meet the interests of the national economy. this statement cost the official of the ministerial chair, he was sent ambassador. about how you can explain the current and past ukrainian euro persistence in the complete absence of real prospects in the plot anna efimova colorful flags sandwiches hot tea song it's hard to believe, but at the end of 2013 this is what maidan nezalezhnosti looked like, it

was called among themselves the maidan of mink coats. everything, because initially businessmen, managers, employees and others, white collars, came to the square. it all started quite peacefully in a single impulse to provide a better life for the country and for ourselves personally, clear examples of this best. i saw it outside of ukraine in neighboring europe where there is stability, there is no corruption, the salary is high and there are unlimited opportunities to travel for good reason, in order to feel like a middle class, ukrainians needed to get the right to travel abroad without hindrance. they are very conditional, that is, the number of ukrainians who left. as tourists, it was significantly lower than those people who again declared that they were representatives of the middle class. the the eleventh or twelfth year, they said that only 4% of the population of ukraine left as tourists, and moreover, if it was one million 600,000 people at that time and just like

the figures were of them 60%, this is turkey egypt paradox but despite the fact that in fact, very few ukrainians traveled outside their country. euromaidan began it was when the hopes for the european future. i'm aiming for a lesson. ukraine at the end of november 2013, on the second day of the eastern partnership summit in vilnius, president yanukovych unexpectedly refused to sign the association agreement between ukraine and the european union. although the country has been consistently moving towards this for more than one year, the leader of ukraine viktor yanukovych assured that the refusal to sign the agreement was temporary. he tried either to justify himself, or to reason, or to explain the motives for his decision and economic pragmatism and the need to take a break to weigh all the conditions such a fate of a treaty that is worn for the country, a normal relationship in the format of the european union russia ukraine is our duty, but in in the minds of the majority, the president's decision sounded

like a verdict and a final turn of ukraine to the east. and they have already been installed, or is it a customs union, which they called taiga, or the european union, and they immediately said you are going to siberia, you are going to the taiga. and we suggest you go to europe , however, there was another no less significant factor. fatigue of business from the redistribution of property. and no matter how paradoxical it would sound from the reshaping of old corruption schemes, business got used to them and did not want to change anything among small and medium-sized entrepreneurs, vitals, dissatisfaction with family raiding. yanukovych businessmen. they complained that the assets of all at least some efficient enterprises, including even such small booty as a taxi at boryspil airport, were transferred to the environment of the head of state for a critical mistake. otherwise, he tried to rule ukraine like an old oligarch, of course, he was opposed. it was just

the middle class. this case is not very well called, that's how they were these bandits. they came from donetsk to look for them, our actions are enough assets there are activity, that who works it people, advertisers, students, middle-class entrepreneurs, flowed to the maidan both spontaneously at the behest of the heart, and organized, uniting into groups, for example, such as cars, maidan, whose backbone, as is commonly believed, was made up of representatives of that same middle class, the entire organizational part , from cleaning and eating to establishing a wi-fi network, at first was built on charity , they said that they showed it in the first days on maidan. what can ukraine be without bureaucracy and corruption, where everything is built on trust, personal contribution and personal responsibility. businessmen come to the company and say, we will install wi-fi, two wi-fi points have been made. people say how we can help you according to

polls that were conducted on the maidan on december 7 and 8 , 2013, more than half of the protesters were in favor of negotiations between the government and the opposition, however, the situation soon changed in kiev, more and more motley and not always random contingent began to flock , if at first the crowd of protesters managed to keep the borders allowed, that is, conditionally the borders of the maidan itself and some provocations to stop the current january 19 peaceful protest will finally cease to be peaceful well-organized ultra-right detachments entered into a direct clash with berkut in this. as a matter of fact, uh, the role of the middle class, which came to the maidan, which, in fact, turned it into a kind of political factor and which was successfully replaced already in january 2014 at a special congress with their militants. combustible material that e. came out provoked bloodshed, and then they carried out a

coup d'état completely pushing the middle class aside, reducing it to biomass to the role of e, extras, an opinion that no one else needed and still doesn't need. the so-called revolution of dignity. many analysts at first called it nothing more than the revolution of the middle class. they even said that it had all the features of a classic bourgeois revolution, as in europe. well, things did not go further, expressing their political will on the maidan twice in 2005 during the orange revolution and in 2014 during the revolution of dignity. the ukrainian middle class has not been able to unite into a political force for all this time has not created a single party that would promote its interests. well, the result of the bloody clashes on the maidan was the election of an oligarch to the post of head of state, who, of course, promised. own business, but in the end it was only multiplied by anna efimova valeriy

saveliev anastasia popova typical, ukraine expert historian alexander vasiliev sasha hello, hello. sasha, when they talk about a sharp and systematic turn of ukraine towards the west, they usually talk about politicians and oligs who made serious efforts in this direction, but not only power and money, probably some other public sentiments moved ukraine towards . and what was that mood? what kind of people expressed them? yes, this is a very correct idea, because when we focus only on the elites, yes, then we are missing some very important part of the picture, and because, well, yes. it is clear that there are, just people who are connected with the west through a variety of financial channels. yes, there are oligarchs, they keep their money there and everyone understands that, of course, they

will pull the country there. yes, there are just politicians, about whom we often talk here, these are some kind of grant- eaters who, well, are simply hired. and so to speak, the asset of the western structures and with them. in general, everything is also clear, but these people would never be able to realize their goals. and their plans, if they, well, did not rely on some more broad social strata, therefore, who are the people who went out, including obama maidan, because maidan is in the first place. here is a crowd of extras, which why is replicated on the uh, well, at least all major cities. uh, i think that uh we are talking about those who are commonly called the middle class. this very middle class is, well, due to a number of, so to speak , some reasons, which we will probably say a little later. yes, he turned out to be especially susceptible to that propaganda in favor of the west which was carried out by those same politicians at the expense of those same oligarchs. paradox, er, these people who

pushed ukraine into europe or turned, at least. uh, they basically destroyed their economy. but how illiterate they were, and did not imagine the consequences at all. why well, that's what moved them internally. well, this is a very interesting question. yes, and here it is necessary in order to answer it you need to understand. well, in fact, yes, what is there to say, well, in some sociological sense, it turns out, er, this is a community that is commonly called the middle class. they are not the richest. yes? they are the poorest are the people who own the property are the people who can afford and buy, uh, a car. yes, that is, uh, some durable goods there, people who travel can travel abroad. here , that is, this is such a set, but formal signs, but nonetheless. now, if we u try to understand what these people are doing. yes, there , that is, you can look at macroeconomic indicators, the structure of gdp ukrainian we will see. that there, for example, a very

large segment is occupied by trade and services. that is, these people are largely employed, or self-employed in ukraine, a very large percentage of self-employed, and these people already have absolutely. well, psychology. first, they're really economically connected to, uh, the west. yes, but this is psychological, and here, uh, it seems to me, we can approach this. here is the root, if we take the formal ones, here are the criteria uh of the middle class, adopted there in western sociology, then we will see that in ukraine, even with all the calibration so to speak. well, this is 8-10 percent of the population, yes, which you formally fit under property, so to speak, indicators or, for example. so i said that one of the criteria is the ability to travel abroad, and indeed in this regard, when it opened without visas, then these low-cost airlines appeared. that is, before. they didn't have that kind of access. now they have got such, as it were, this is an ersatz middle class, and this gap between the sense of self between the desire for a certain way of life to certain standards of consumption and real

economic. and here, well, the components of the whole country in general, which, well, is not rich, to put it mildly, by european standards. he creates. well , a search for such a traumatic tension in society begins, but who is to blame for the enemy? what, i don't get to the level that, well, i, uh, it all seems to be already there, right? it’s all the same for some kind of transformers this level, of course, is associated with well, here is the consumer society in europe. these are the people who, as it were, made up, like this upper layer of the class and got up. well, so to speak, the very bottom and they all appeal specifically to the western choice, yes, and they show e involvement that you can participate. e, in changing the vector of the country, the middle class involves the construction of the west in its projections. here is more about western ukraine for many people, it is especially interesting that there is such a middle class. simply, due to the economic

structure of the region, it is just more in the south and east, even than in the center in the west . hover people from such a virtual world, the success of success. after all, in the end, by their actions, in fact. well , they killed the economy, that is, the basis of what could develop the middle class in ukraine since. he said that they are often not economically connected with such large industries as energy, heavy industry, processing industry, they have no feeling. here is this loss. yes, that is, and those sectors and these sectors are new economies, and the ones that appear there, they give to these people. uh, a niche and it seems to them that there are no problems, no disasters. happening. it's okay that the plant, but in ruins, yes, but here we will open offices in each office, and put a busy it specialist on the clock and i want to say that for many of these people, even here, uh, it’s not just some kind of value ideology, there ukrainian nationalism for many of these people. ukraine is just a springboard to the

west, a springboard to europe, but either they are collectively going to move to europe by way of admission to the european union or individually by facilitating the migration procedure, but they end up in europe that is, even for them. it is very important, yes, that is, as if ukraine is only in the way of an opportunity. e to get into that same consumer consumer there, a-and the district of the west and, accordingly, they really treat it, if you say so, not only how they demonstrate themselves as patriots, but how they actually behave like, well, such political and economic entities? yes, this reminds me of everything. uh, a very naive, but nonetheless very cynical view of one's own country. thank you very much for interesting story. the topic of the russian language has been particularly acute in recent years in ukraine; legislation systematically narrowed the public space for its use; russian schools translated into

ukrainian; in 2019, even the position of a language ombudsman appeared, who understood the protection of the state language as a constant struggle for the power of russian today. this struggle has reached a kind of climax since this year in ukrainian schools they may refuse to study the russian language, i’m sure that he will be the most fashionable instead of taras kremen instead of the russian subject the language will be studied in english or courses of other disciplines will be expanded, and teachers of the russian language, if they did not teach any other subjects part- time, can be sent to a simple declares the defender of the ukrainian language. another topic that is being discussed now in the school community is the revision of programs for the study of foreign literature. the fact is that for several years the subject of russian literature in ukrainian schools. no. but there is a foreign one,

which also includes russian writers, however, and here everything is very selective in the mandatory school curriculum no lomonosov derzhavin karamzin griboyedov zhukovsky alexander ostrovsky with a storm of poetry nikolai nekrasov in the tenth grade they do not study turgenev leo tolstoy chekhov in the eleventh grade there is no sholokhov gorky bunin kuprin alexei tolstoy yesenin's poems soviet post-war literature. not at all a little tyutchevy pushkin's pinch of krylov and marshak but even these programs are going to be reviewed, it is believed that there are too many russian writers and there are too many of them in the school curriculum. at in principle, there should be no relief, except that for nikolai vasilyevich gogol, the night before christmas and taras bulba, who created a vivid

image of ukraine for the world, can remain. on the ukrainian self at the beginning of the 20th century. which of them born in ukraine who wrote about ukraine is more likely to stay in the school curriculum, who is lucky in the plot of olga mokhova, the combined place of birth in little russian land and death in the russian capital, nikolai gogol mikhail bulgakov, who, by the way, considered the author of dead souls to be his teacher, became perhaps the main stumbling block for the ukrainian reformers of the school curriculum on bulgakov’s literature; they cannot forgive his critical view of ukrainian nationalism gogol’s language of narration. what to do with gogol and bulgakov is debatable, but if gogol needs to be given

a chance to study, then bulgakov must share the fate of pushkin and the point is not that gogol came from an ethnic ukrainian family, but kiev parents on bulgakov were divided in russia, the matter is in the worldview. i don’t know what kind of soul i have, khokhlat or russian, gogol himself admitted, but did not give preference to either of them, considering both natures generously endowed by god. russia, the charm of the little russian dialect, the color of southern characters and the richness of ukrainian folklore. wow, he owes a lot, if not everything, to little russia, gogol became known for his ukrainian things. yes , in the evening of hunting, neighbors and peace. and now the image of a little russian, he is invariably associated with the heroes

of gogol, inclined in life to mysticism, nikolai vasilyevich miraculously fell apart in the school curriculum of modern ukraine until recently in the course of foreign literature. they studied it the night before christmas revizorro and overcoat and in the course of ukrainian taras bulba, only in translation in it russia and little russia are replaced by ukraine and the word russian into ukrainian or cossack by the way gogol's contemporaries did not need translation at that time. nikolai vasilyevich e was quite frequent and active. e, uses folk speech, but i must say that the first readers did not have any difficulties with perception. because the author carefully prepared in each part. uh, a collection of word lists and everyone understands. ukrainian schoolchildren from the work of mikhail bulgakov, a writer who had a difficult relationship with the soviet leadership, and personally with stalin preferred not repressions, were well acquainted. in his ukrainian homeland in kiev, which bulgakov called a beautiful city, a happy city, the russian writer lived really happy childhood

years, even his irony in relation to the ukrainian and ukrainian languages ​​\u200b\u200bwas not counted, as in the white guard, the passage and the whale, but the stage of shameful the flight of hetman skoropadsky from kiev to germany was, as it were, not burdensome for the perception of modern ukrainian societies. this is roman, and it would be unfair to consider him anti-ukrainian. he is in that to the same extent, anti-biogvardeisky and at the same time, anti-bolshevik, this is bulgakov's novel, in which, it seems to me, he expressed his horror, his disgust at the departure of the story in which he found himself precisely because of this novel. some ukrainians are arguing about the expediency of keeping in cues. bulgakov's places they say a kind word about ukraine is not said. the master himself, who, by his own admission, survived 14 coups in the ukrainian capital, substantiated his attitude to language and culture and history in a unique essay, kiev

city ​​published in the twenties. and in this essay, he makes such predictions that the chain brain that the poles blew up. they themselves will restore at their own expense this did not happen and the memory of petliura. dezginets did not disappear, as it seemed, the ukrainians appreciated. in bulgakov. main great talent, respectful attitude to ukrainian culture, gentle to his native city of kiev kiev for him, of course. this is the feeling of the harmony of the lada of the world, which later turned out to be torn apart, and maybe that's why he experienced this tornness so painfully and he actually conveyed this feeling, and the catastrophes are in his famous works related to kiev. more recently, ukrainians in the memory of gogol and bulgakov worshiped the word, it was in kiev that the world's first monument to bulgakov appeared in 2007 on andreevsky descent. in the most famous of all the kiev addresses of the writer, gogol was generally

revered, as a cult figure at the annual sorochinskaya fair, to this day in the tradition of mass dressing up as the great writer. i think it's still more likely to stay in school the program in the ukraine about gogol and bulgakov is much closer to the current situation in these 14 coups. he saw such a thing for himself as , uh, mutual turnover. he used the bolsheviks and ukrainian nationalists in such a way. google bulgakov writers. russian kinship with ukraine undoubtedly enriched their worldview, saturated their work with all sorts of colors, shades, nuances of storylines, the assertion of rights. the characters of literary heroes, but they thought they were still in russian and wrote their novels, stories and plays in russian. probably this was the main reason for the removal of their works from school programs to replace them with more, corresponding to the

current ukrainian political context of foreign writers. the great russian literature will not suffer, but it is a pity for them, especially the young and open to new thoughts and impressions. in mid-june, a working group under the ministry of education of ukraine approved the updates of curricula on foreign literature and recommended replacing the bulgakov master and margarita with a plague albera. remove camus the examiner from the greatcoat from the program , and transfer the night before christmas to the course of ukrainian literature with a note gogol the great ukrainian writer olga mokhova anastasia popova valeriy savelyev is typical, ukraine that's all we wanted to tell. kirill vyshinsky was with you today. good luck to you.

hello on the air, program 17 of the russian studio 24 yuri bogdanov and my colleague vera krasova works in the federation council. hello military patriotic project memory train, construction and reconstruction of bridges and overpasses, as well as the development of children's tourism.