no, i'm not ready to overcome the attraction of my combo milos bikovich's star combo for 325 rubles. only at a delicious point may 19 one hundred years since the birth of the main soviet americanist and one of the most significant international affairs academician georgy arbatov, a bright and courageous man at the front during the great patriotic war and in subsequent activities, as one of his students notes, there has always been elegance and intellectual and in human behavior. georgy arbatov was born in the spring of 23 in

kherson with a medal and on the eve of the war he entered the krasin artillery school for 18 years. georgiy arbatov commanded a battery of jet-launchers, passed the kalinin steppe voronezh, the first and second ukrainian fronts, crossed the dnieper twice , after which he was sent to the rear of the war with severe tuberculosis. for him, a young disabled person of the second group ended at the forty -fourth in the rank of captain. returning to moscow, he entered the international faculty of moscow state university, which soon gained independence in the form of mgimo, studied us history and studied worked as a journalist in the publishing house of foreign literature and communist magazines. in the early sixties, he got into a group of consultants to get off as the cpsu on relations with the communist and workers' parties of the socialist countries, and in the fifty-fourth was headed by her father

of soviet-american studies arbatov was an adviser to the country's top leadership from brezhneva andropov to gorbachev and yeltsin in the sixty-seventh year after his initiative , the specialized institute of the usa and canada of the academy of sciences of the ussr was founded, formally arbatov was not diplomat, but participated in many closed negotiations personally knew all the us presidents from johnson to bush sr. and made a significant contribution to the pogug movement of scientists, which advocated arms control and nuclear non-proliferation. he brought up a whole generation of brilliant specialists, and he himself belonged to a cohort seen in international relations of the last soviet decades nikolai inozemtsev alexander buvin evgeny primakov valentin zorin fyodor burlatsky and from others they had a paradoxical time for

all the formal signs of the ussr was at the peak of geopolitical and military power. however, the system experienced growing problems not only of an economic, but also of an ideological nature, the lack of internal flexibility affected the ability to continue military-political competition in the united states. sofya sergeeva will remind you of the artifacts of that sparkling era enjoys immeasurable success, the exhibition of achievements of the soviet union in the field of science, technology and culture, opened in the largest exhibition hall of the colosseum, in the first 15 days it was visited by half a million people, the americans were shown all the most modern models of soviet satellites and rockets, a miracle of technology. the world's first nuclear-powered icebreaker. lenin and the model

of the passenger tu-114, which transported the soviet delegation. across the ocean. the plane was so large that there was no suitable ladder at the airport. yes, it will give more goods to the people with a better time-sheet system in a month sokolniki opened an american exhibition led by a delegation of richard nixon, then vice president. this competition will serve the good of our peoples. by voice of the peoples mp, we should exchange ideas freely in six weeks, the exhibition was visited by almost 3 million. the exhibits were the best advertisements for capitalism, housewives were amazed by combines and dishwashers, and the men of the rum-sparkling car for the chevrolet impala exhibition were cut in half so that visitors could see everything her device version c the v8 engine was the most expensive in the lineup, and the advertising slogan read slyly.

a luxury car for every american kolobotu tasted soda and nixon closely watched the tasting khrushchev. and nikita sergeevich himself, unknowingly, became the face of an american advertising campaign. anikson, who was fed up with pepsi and french fries at home, was taken to the barbecue, which was solemnly opened specially for the second time . it was such a delicious dinner. here, in fact, everything that we have on the table right now. here is borsch, our here is such a broad soul, of course borsch it's definitely sour cream. and, accordingly, kebabs, because this is a legendary kebab place, more than 60 years have passed as such an institution, and even today a kebab house is popular even from other parts of moscow and from other cities. here is elementary

barbecue 57. and there we know we know this story. although relations remained strained in the early sixties, khrushchev and kennedy exchanged gifts for the wife of the american president. jacqueline was given a puppy by famous shooters, a living hint of our leadership flying into space. but even ordinary americans understood this sound means that the soviet union is able to launch not only satellites, but also nuclear missiles for the first time the americans felt defenseless. although i did not know that the ratio of strategic nuclear forces was not in our favor and the cold war. it was necessary to put the situation of equal danger. such an attempt was made during the caribbean crisis. the operation is necessary the soviet union deployed r12 missiles tactical nuclear weapons good and kennedy and nikita sergeevich khrushchev had

the prudence to stop, being at the edge nuclear nonsense. they realized that further escalation steps. impossible cannot lead to big trouble after the caribbean crisis under brezhnev. the recommendations of the institute of the usa and canada created by georgy arbatov, the father of soviet american studies, often helped to learn how to avoid sharp corners. i would say that the americans for their politics, which they feel the need for such an enemy, just like you know the phonetic preachers need, they need pure strength. i said we've done the worst for you we'll deprive. another until now when in in the seventies we finally reached parity leaders, superpowers, become almost friends, knowing that leonid ilyich is fond of cars in seventy-three nixon gave him a lincoln continental brezhnev was delighted to seat the american president

next to him and sped away, leaving a blue short two-door car on the side of the puzzled guard. he was straight, indeed. i understand about a good gift and gave what gives a sports car. this adrenaline is joy. it was casenger who said that e politics leonidovich may not be very strong powerful. well that's how the driver here is uh, yes, a professional racer. m. brezhnev and nixon met again when 35 countries in helsinki signed a historic act that laid the foundation. the building of european security has changed a lot since then . finland managed to abandon neutrality and joined nato, and this status corresponds to other architectural techniques. just the other day, the finns fenced themselves off from russia with sophia sergeev's garden fence sergei truskov, dmitry sailors international review.

two fundamental concepts of international détente and arms control are associated with the name of georgy arbatov . it's good to remember today. and what was détente in general, heartfelt consent was not there. detente and arms control risk management through diplomacy are based on the recognition that there are deep irreconcilable contradictions between states, in order to manage them to find common positions where they are possible, it is necessary to recognize that the contradiction is inevitable. it has nothing to do with good will. on the contrary, hostility is implied by itself, but does not imply, for example, the current american concept of the struggle of great

powers, as the main driving forces, détente is based on the recognition of the status quo, which may not be satisfactory, nevertheless, a decision is made to maintain such the status quo and not trying to change it not seeking to dominate hegemony, in fact, détente - this is the desire to put aside what political theorists call the security dilemma. in the late 1960s and early 1970s, several incentives prompted us to think about reducing tensions in terms of these objective underlying factors. this is a little secret. this is the achievement of military strategic parity in the united states after the breakthrough of our big sixties, which created a reserve strength in ensuring the country's security and increased the kremlin's interest then in stabilizing the situation, stabilizing

the arms race on a reciprocal basis, to save the power of funds and to prevent an uncontrolled arms race , a certain balance was achieved between the warsaw pact and nato, which allowed soviet diplomacy to fix its cherished goal, e, post-war status - quo, but if you look at the american shift on what causes it the united states here , too, parity. uh, military-strategic, eh played an important role, because it became clear to the americans that the further continuation of a linear uncontrolled arms race. first of all, it's dangerous. secondly, it does not make sense by that time this situation of the current mutual assured destruction appeared, beyond which further build-up. that is, each side could respond to a nuclear fall and could not be winners. in this

, parallel to the first détente in the ussr , attempts at internal economic reforms were actually curtailed. so the economic factor played a significant role nipped in our preparatory preparation working materials. themselves a soviet-american seventy-second year. in its economic trade part a is the preparation of a trade agreement. this is a whole complex of other agreements that were signed in moscow in 1972, and i was greatly impressed. how seriously did the soviet side then take this aspect? all ministries , specialized departments, they created their own application considerations drew up a large plan for the overall development of these relations, but we know that it was in the direction of western europe, it was, of course, a massive breakthrough on our energy resources of western europe, too, this same period. maybe, as

far as the united states was concerned, what was envisaged, well, in addition to signing a trade agreement with the most favorable regime, it was envisaged the development of trade economic ties , including american investment in technology e, industries such as fuel energy complex, for example, it was planned to build a separate gas pipeline, tyumen-murmansk with a builder with the construction of a whole plant near murmansk. and american investments in this project alone should have amounted to $ 5 billion at that time. this is a lot of money - a lot of money. in addition, it was even about joint ventures of the soviet american, and joint projects, the developing world. so even a schedule was drawn up, approximate approximate, of course, of payments and receipts, which these new

relations to bring with specific figures so that already yes in the plans covered the period. so the seventy-second to the ninety-eighth year. here in the nineties. the soviet union was supposed to have a positive balance in these respects. eh, taking into account the fact that it was necessary to reckon with the old road. so our export to america was still quite limited. so the balance was external trade in ours later, but, nevertheless, even so, i believed that the benefits of this cooperation would exceed the overhead costs. and here in the ninetieth year there will already be a net dividend for the soviet soviet treasury. that's so far. then the plans of the soviet leadership came in. the us had its own reasons to seek appeasement plus, of course, the vietnam war. this is a very important factor because the us war strained. uh, the resources of the united

states did not lead to victory in a situation of such imperial overstretch. uh, who also demanded to unload and bring american obligations into line with their limited limited capabilities. moreover, in the country arose, as powerful anti-war movements are known. uh, who has evolved into a being in a movement against global anti-communism and militarism. this movement captured part of the political class. that consensus collapsed during the cold war , serious restrictions arose on the continuation of the course of military intervention abroad. congress. reduced military spending. forbidding the operations of us intelligence agencies abroad , criticism grew in society. this entire complex and the military-industrial complex of the cia

intelligence agencies of this entire national security state, that is, on american society, basically. didn't want to contribute. further time. this is the american empire and they put them written off by jerome, of course, i had to reckon with this. however, already in the second half of the seventies , detente began to fizzle out rapidly. why so soon, first of all, the turn to a very ideological policy of human rights , which was guided by president james carter carter, in fact, rejected real politics in favor of values, and this became a verdict on any efforts that were made within the framework of the detente of the united states. it was seen that the soviet union would become even more of a status quo power, stop spreading its influence in various ways in the third world, and behave. so to speak more restrainedly

responsibly. that's in exchange for those gingerbread that the americans americans offered us ah. the soviet union the then soviet leadership saw détente as a change even further. they were seen as the result of a new balance of power in the world. yes, we have become equal to the americans in power, that's uh détente for the soviet leadership of that time was not considered to me as a fixation, so to speak, from this as an eternal situation. uh, she was seen as a chance to further strengthen the world position of the soviet union. especially since the west as a whole from the united states at that time found themselves in a folded position. this is an economic world economic crisis. ah, its harbingers. this even means, of course, the defeat of the united states in vietnam and their political retreat. that's all. this created a temptation to use it

the weakening of the west and the weakening of the americans to further strengthen, so to speak , soviet penetration, all the carrots that they offered us in the form of new trade economic relations and that it was very important for the soviet leadership to speak. after all, they also did not take place, the notorious amendment of jackson venik, who was essentially killed, and the signing of the trade ratification of the trade agreement and the most favorable treatment was still the stevenson amendment , which essentially blocked the provision of loans, without which development these relations were impossible to american loans, state-owned in the soviet union so with the gingerbread did not work 50 years ago and today the key issue of any change in the nature of relations. to what extent do the parties trust each other and themselves, that is, within their own societies the fear factor is basic and now it is relevant

because we are flirting with matters that were the content of the cuban missile crisis reagan's phrase trust but verify is an elegant way to say, i don't trust you at all do not speak such a forehead is a very important reason, which is often forgotten. er, the twine was that she was, how to say, did not have enough porn, especially not in the soviet union, not especially in the united states a couple of these comrades pursued this new policy , bypassing, as you know, key departments and the pentagon on the one hand , the maneuverability of the then diplomacy of washington ensured such a quick breakthrough. but on the other hand, it turned out that it was worth weakening a little there already nixon as a result in the studio. yes, this already begins in the whole family from the third year, how

, uh, these departments, bypassed by the white house , began to take. revenge and congress with these amendments, which we have already spoken about and the pentagon the military did not agree to the preservation and freezing of this parity by the soviet union and public opinion, to which this policy, in general, the realism of the balance of power, which was carried out by mixing and silence, turned out to be too immoral, but also something similar in the soviet union, although on a smaller scale , it happened here that brezhnev became to lose legal capacity, although he retained, like a position in the system of power. it begins somewhere in the seventy-fourth year, with a meeting in vladivostok, he obviously was no longer the same series of control of interest, e.g., to his favorite brainchild, which, of course, was used by other departments that also had their own interests. it is not known that the military military were not

enthusiastic. from even more than one. here are two that have already loomed. here, uh, but the cominternists from the international department of the central committee by that time were not yet left with the illusion that fate will be decided by peace in the developing world, this non-capitalist path of development with soviet help will lead to our victory in the cold war, a question that is impossible not to ask, looking at what is happening around. and if there is a chance for something like détente, normal diplomacy between major countries, which should be based on the awareness and recognition of mutual interests, has now been abandoned. after the end of the cold war, the united states became the sole superpower. they decided that the concerns and interests of countries like russia it is not necessary to pay attention, but this

excludes the very possibility of discharge, you need respect for the opposite side. what is not now is my conclusion. if we survive those dances with death that we are doing now. we will probably rediscover the values. i'm afraid of detente, only before that we will move, other options and life will severely punish us for our current behavior. yuri arbatova, did not become in 2010 the political dynamics of the 21st century, he was very worried that we could approach a more dangerous period than the cold war. ahead danger looms 2 years ago, this was unthinkable. and now i can say, he was in an interview 2 years before his death of the experience and intellect of the statesmen of his generation. now it is clearly not enough. on the other hand. the world has changed so much that, perhaps, those recipes will not be applicable, the same age as arbatov, still alive,

henry kinchenger. he will knock that a week later he noticed in an interview with the magazine icons on the eve of the anniversary. it's time to recognize this is a whole new world. and whatever we do will work out maybe not as intended, there is no line of conduct that would give the desired result with a guarantee. somewhat depressing. well , at least, honestly, it was an international review. see you. ready to overcome the gravity of my combo star combo for 325 rubles. only tasty and point for pensioners in sberbank free

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