including the post of head of moscow

i wanted to tickle the nerves of vices ; and now keep your pockets cleaned in an instant, and you could still flog the corpse with a knife, you would wait, a couple of hours the killer will find the criminal.

hello, i'm sergey stankevich, we continue to consider our calendar of big events , which tells how we moved from the ussr to the new russia at the end of the last century

, today we will turn to 1988, which was the year for perestroika started by mikhail gorbachev and his team in 1985 during the crisis on the march for 3 years, perestroika practically exhausted the initial resources of mass enthusiasm associated with the coming to power of a new team with its democratic style and intoxicating glasnost, as if, the horizon of a new life opened to the people, in reality, the economy stagnated ideologically myths flew around with dry leaves, and in the monopole that sent the cpsu, the reversal grew, gorbachev's team decided to reform the political system. that's how it was? by 1988, gorbachev's team became it is clear that the bet on accelerating socio-economic development did not work, an emotional outburst.

the people are fizzling out, the expectations that have rushed upwards are not justified, and nothing can be swept out of the existing economic system with appeals, the big economy, which was called for independence in the newspapers, was still waiting for mercy from the state, especially from the then two pagan deities of the state clan, and the state woman, store shelves on still seized by emptiness even in the central cities. had to resort to trading ration cards acceleration. obviously it didn't work out, i had to go for more. today, it is already difficult for many to understand why it was so painfully, with staggering contradictions and confusion, to legitimize the seemingly obvious free economic activity of soviet citizens , the communist party from top to bottom and all subordinate state structures have been accustomed for generations to consider entrepreneurship as a crime, and the entrepreneurs themselves

as criminals and worse. , as class enemies for many decades of existence of the rigid soviet system, ideological attitudes petrified the desire to keep and not let go entered the flesh and blood, the famous article 153 of the criminal code of the rsfsr punished entrepreneurship with imprisonment for up to five years with confiscation of property, and for commercial mediation they were imprisoned for three years. and also with confiscation. under this article, a lot of really talented and enterprising people turned out to be behind bars, who, to their misfortune, were simply ahead of their time, sometimes by only a few years. remember the funny apartment broker in the performance actor vladimir basov in the 1977 soviet comedy for family reasons , one can understand why this eternally frightened private intermediary for the exchange of apartments was encrypted as

a seasoned intelligence officer. these we need pyatёrotiki the password has long been replaced, we are talking about the coccyx size - this is the footage. what was it like for the multi-million party apparatus and hundreds of thousands of law enforcement officers to forget about the class struggle and the mind would be reorganized on command. the same business people whom they had been mercilessly persecuting and imprisoning only yesterday, suddenly found themselves at the forefront of the new economy, and now they had to be protected and supported. how could one come to terms with this? for so many soviet greeks, verbal support for perestroika was an empty and forced temporary adaptation. on may 26, 1988 , the key law of the ussr on cooperation was adopted, which allowed cooperatives to engage in any activities not prohibited by law, including trade, cooperatives received

the right to use hired labor. this law has become an important, albeit controversial, the consequences of a milestone on the path of becoming an entrepreneurial activity. currently, the day of the adoption of the law on may 26 is celebrated as the day of russian entrepreneurship in the pants of a number of large modern corporations on the wall in a frame hangs a certificate of registration in the distant 1988 of the cooperative, from which it all began. the first steps of the new economy were, however, far from always rosy hopes that cooperatives would quickly eliminate the shortage of goods and immediately lead to an improvement in the quality of service did not come true were individual pioneers and lighthouses, on which soviet citizens came from afar to marvel, as a miracle in moscow, the public and journalists

burst into the first private vegetable store on solyanka street and the first cooperative cafe on kropotkinskaya enthusiastic paints their differences from the dull soviet counterparts. at the same time, many cooperators who are uncertain about the future have taken the simple path of speculative resale, playing on the difference in prices in the public and private sectors . create cooperatives directly at state-owned enterprises. what immediately took advantage of the director's corps at the plants and factories arose. special directors' cooperatives, through which all liquid products were sold at market prices, the state enterprise remained at a loss and without development, and the profit was diverted to the side ; other businessmen under the guise of cooperatives engaged in primitive financial operations to cash out money. such was the price of cautious artificial palliatives of refusing

deep and systemic transformations for them the communist party as a whole. it just didn’t mature inside, meanwhile, the ruling communist parties grew and strengthened internal resistance to even partial changes on the part of the orthodox, who had no patience . lecturer at the leningrad technological institute. nina andreeva under the heading i cannot compromise my principles, the action was clearly planned. on at the very top, since the letter was reprinted here by many regional newspapers and became a kind of ideological bomb, designed for echo. it is curious to look at

this creation, with which nina andreeva went down in history through today's eyes. what a horror the teacher of the university was indignant about what the brave young people are trying to talk about now, and the multi-party system about the freedom of religious propaganda, and free travel abroad, including residence permits, about the rejection of the centralized leadership of culture, the abolition of military duty is not acceptable heresy. stop ban andreev attacked two antipathetic biases on the left-wing liberals in quotation marks, westerners who wanted real democratization, as well as on the traditionalists of the villages who sympathized with longevist russia . more than half of the letter was devoted to defending against criticism and glorifying joseph stalin. for which, in particular , a falsified quote from churchill essence caused the company not coming and ideologists. put a hard limit on the further advancement of perestroika by logical principles gorbachev

assessed the significance of the conservative challenge thrown to him and the possible consequences at his insistence of the politburo 2 days on march 23 and 24 discussed the letter of nina andreeva gorbachev was sharp and prepared to fight the conspiracy, marshal dmitry yazov was present at the discussion. future member of the infamous gkchp. subsequently , he recalled that among those gathered, many along with him were opposed to the continuation of perestroika, but no one openly objected. until he decided, the result of the discussion was, prepared by alexander yakovlev article principles, restructuring revolutionary thinking and action, published in pravda on april 5, 1988. andreeva's letter was decisive. rejected as a manifesto of anti-perestroika forces, the party and the people

were called upon to overcome the mechanism of bureaucratic inhibition and make perestroika. the revolutionary and irreversible article, as a public response to the conservatives in the party, was reprinted in the same soviet russia and in all the most important press organs of the country. gorbachev and his supporters relatively easily overcame the first attempt to resist their course, but they were convinced that in the future they could no longer do without broader, truly mass public support, which means they could not do without political reform and democratic elections.

hello, i'm sergey stankevich, we continue to look through our calendar of big events, which tells how we moved from the ussr to the new russia at the end of the last century , today we will talk about how perestroika started in the ussr by a group of communist reformers, led by mikhail gorbachev moved from separate half-hearted reforms to a real revolution from above. at the first stage, in 85-87, they simply tried to speed up the development of soviet socialism, infusing it with the invigorating doping of glasnost, but nothing fundamentally changes society accepted this impulse. but the acceleration did not turn out

to be a half-hearted reform, rather disoriented state-owned enterprises, and the sprouts of the new economy in the form of cooperatives often came out crooked and vulnerable to criticism. in 1988. gorbachev's team, like shakespeare's hamlet , faced the fatal choice to turn perestroika or go further, but with a revolutionary step, burning bridges. in 1988, georgy shakhnazarov, a prominent political scientist, founder and long-term head of the soviet association of political sciences, entered gorbachev's inner circle; he became gorbachev's main adviser on political issues. here is what he wrote in notes hot on the heels of the problem, the decisive choice of 1988, let's listen to a valuable witness,

the innovations introduced over 3 years knocked the economy out of the knurled korea and instead of accelerated development. started accelerated degradation. cause half-heartedness, the palliative nature of the implemented measures, the market does not smell, and the economy is already falling apart. and what was to be done? what was the way out, it was necessary to either give back or go for a breakthrough, we listen further to georgy shakhnazarov. yes, at that moment it was not too late, and the tops and bottoms were ready to return to the old order, since the beginning of the reforms did not bring an improvement in life and did not bode well ahead, it was not too late to bang the table with your fist and declare that the party would not tolerate the weakening of the foundations socialism and an attempt on his leadership role that the main tasks of perestroika should be considered fulfilled, as georgy shakhnazarov testifies at the time of the critical

choice. everything depended on the leader of the party, it was gorbachev who had to make a decision, and he made it, daring to bring, and hence the transformation, to its logical conclusion. for political reform , favorable external conditions were needed, liberation from the island of military confrontation, a departure from the excessive militarization of the economy and ideology, in order to seriously address internal problems. the country had to stop meanwhile, by the mid-1980s, the cold war culminated with us president ronald reagan , who loudly called the ussr an empire and evil achieved the deployment of almost 600 american nuclear missiles in europe, threatening to destroy the largest cities.

union, in fact, the situation repeated itself in europe. the sad famous caribbean missile crisis, even in a more dangerous version, mikhail gorbachev and the head of the soviet foreign ministry were sentenced in 1987 year. the treaties on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles in europe and on the prohibition and further production, for the second time , the two superpowers, looking into the abyss, took a step back from the abyss, the gorbachev reagan treaty, which existed with all the disputes of the parties for a long 32 years, undoubtedly became a turning point, allowing not not only to pull europe out of a catastrophic conflict, but also to end the cold war at that stage. a significant visit to moscow by the president of the united states became a symbol of a real exit from the cold war. ronald, reagan may 29 on june

2, 1988, thanks to an unprecedented openness to the media , the whole country watched in detail for 5 days how friendly reagan and his elegant wife nancy and s. with what sincere cordiality they were received everywhere during a walk around the kremlin by ravens. standing, wow, the tsar cannon for the first time declared that the soviet union was no longer considered an evil empire, this supposedly belonged to another era and another country during the visit, reagan ritually took back his words about the empire evil a dozen times in response to repeated questions. it seems that many people wanted to make sure the strength and finality of the refusal. reagan in moscow literally plunged headlong into gorbachev's publicity. he gave

an interview to the ogonyok magazine, met with dissidents released under an amnesty , and feasted at a banquet with the soviet intelligentsia. in the central house of writers, i walked along the arbat, which had become pedestrian, and finally delivered a lecture program at moscow university. after that, he answered the questions of students with a lecture and communication. after it had a lasting effect, since the text, as well as other materials of the visit, were surprisingly published, in a separate multi-page brochure. it is clear that the assistants from the embassy helped the president pick up numerous quotes from russian classics and even from the song do russians want wars about the embrace of the allies on the elbe, but in colloquial communication, the seventy-year-old is one of the toughest conservative leaders. west seemed genuinely pleased. opportunities to get up close and personal with a generation are completely out of reach. like vicious cartoon enemies. he

felt almost like a religious missionary, talking about the benefits of democracy and the free market. the desire for human normality and the joy of approaching it were clearly mutual in those days. after the stabilization of external relations with the west , gorbachev had to agree on the continuation of perestroika with his own party , the situation in which, after the andreevsky rebellion , was not at all good, behind the screen of traditional party discipline , discontent was growing and new riots were ripening. not today. tomorrow, several thousand people who held senior positions in the cpsu, having gathered in captivity or at a congress, could dismiss gorbachev and his team, condemning them as another antipathetic group. yes, perestroika would have ended with this, and the rails would still fly to the soviet transport to a deliberate dead end, but

the problem of the communist reformers was not only to protect themselves from an internal party coup , they needed the party as a unique mass tool in order to solve taken during the revolutions from above were correctly understood and adequate. performed from below to move on to the revolutionary stage of perestroika, gorbachev in the summer of 1988 did not convene a plenum and will not eat it, but the nineteenth party conference so that both allies and opponents could speak openly, unlike the traditional congresses of the cpsu with ritual applause and hymns, this conference was held in a serious ideological struggle, which the people first watched on tv with a resonant conservative protest, the speech of the writer yuri bondarev sounded, he compared perestroika with

a plane that was lifted into the air, not knowing if there was a landing site at the destination, the meaning of the metaphor was transparent, you don’t know where you are flying and whether you can land go back before the plane crashed at the conference and the rebellious boris yeltsin again, confirming that he had rebuilt key there are not only conservative, but also radical alternatives. so in 1988 , gorbachev's team, faced with a crisis of insufficiently decisive reformism , managed to prevail in the inner-party struggle. all their suggestions. cpsu approved although under the growing robot in the ussr they were first proclaimed. previously unprecedented goals in the creation of a law-based state and civil society, the election and regular replacement of government bodies, a reform of the constitutional order was outlined, which in fact

was supposed to lead to the transfer of all power in the country from the communist party to elected councils, thereby perestroika began to turn into a revolution.

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we will tell you what this day is remembered for in history right now hello june 13, 323 bc. it is exactly 1700 years ago that the world lost the outstanding commander and ruler alexander the great. this date of death is considered one of the most probable. alexander conquered persia, reached india and created a huge power.