hello, i'm sergey stankevich, we continue to look through our calendar of big events, which tells how we are at the end of the last century. go suggest. remember how the communist party lost its monopoly on power in the ussr and how nakopatiynost returned to us. her majesty history from time to time allows itself irony, this happened in february-march 1990, ironically , the situation of the february revolution of 1917 was repeated, let me remind you that in 1917 , this coming to power of the revolutionaries of the bolsheviks renounced the autocratic power in russia

february, they were forced to abdicate the heirs of the bolsheviks lenintsev, who headed the cpsu , this opened the way for boris yeltsin the notorious sixth article of the soviet constitution proclaimed that the communist party of the soviet union was the leader and head of state and public organizations system in state structures. and even in general in social forces, the communist the core of the party, and, in addition, in the constitution as the only one fixed, also the communist ideology, the significance of the sixth article was a huge principle. one country , one ideology, one leading party with

one all-powerful secretary general, allowed to keep under the total administrative-politic-public and many national autonomies. the materials of party congresses and plenums were studied by everyone without fail, a strange pseudo-religious slogan. glory to the cpsu intrusively decorated the streets of cities and villages. allowed, neither ideological, nor even more so political dogmas and guiding principles, and hard coral apostates. by the beginning of 1990, the cpsu entered a state of internal split, and perestroika, which had been going on for the fifth year, exacerbated economic difficulties and exacerbated interethnic problems. free elections, open political debate. exposing the company, the emergence of parliamentary opposition exacerbated all this. something they split within the party, a significant part

of the communists. she became a democrat during 1989. one by one collapsed the communist regimes of the six socialist countries of europe, the european socialist camp, these events, especially the grammatical fall of the berlin wall and the execution of the romanian dictator , made a depressing impression on the nomenklatura, and the mass democratic rallies in moscow and leningrad , in the center of which was the demand for the abolition of the sixth article of the constitution, convinced the gorbachev team that that it is better to hurry up and play ahead of the curve in february 1990, the plenum of the central committee of the cpsu considered the fate of the sixth article of the active supporters of reforms alexander yakovlev vadim medvedev eduard shevardnadze proposed to cancel the article of discord and go over to the multi-party system, calling on the communists, while not being afraid of open competition. yakovlev convinced his fellows that

the soviet government had approached, perhaps, the most serious crisis in all 72 years of its existence. and that the task of the party now is not to cling, i also forgot exclusivity, but simply to survive in a radically changed world, otherwise it will topple and sweep, the growing wave of revolutionary impatience. conservatives egor ligachev viktor nikonov vladimir shcherbitsky was demanded to stand to the last and not yield anything, perhaps the decisive argument in making decisions at the plenum was the 200,000-strong antipathy rally that was noisy next to the kremlin on manezhnaya square. mikhail gorbachev convinced the top of the communist party to agree to renounce the ideological and political monopoly the february captivity of the mcc, the cpsu gave the green light to constitutional reform at the third

extraordinary congress of people's deputies march 12-15, 1990, a law of the ussr was adopted that changed article six of the constitution on it the cpsu was losing its exclusive role and henceforth had to fight for seats in the soviets on a par with other parties, which immediately began to multiply and multiply a new instrument. on march 14, 1990 , a law was adopted establishing the post of president of the ussr, and with the broadest powers. this position. naturally, it was intended for mikhail gorbachev when he became president. union, he could already depend much less on the communist party and on its future, already dubious electoral fate, according to the updated constitution, the president of the ussr should have be elected by all by popular vote, but

the first election of the president could, as an exception, be carried out by the congress of people's deputies. gorbachev of the ussr, perhaps, should have taken a chance then and you went to direct all popular elections. with all the discontent already accumulated by the soviet people, the leader of perestroika still had a good chance of collecting a majority of votes in total for all the republics, but he chose not to risk being elected at the congress. and thereby weakened their positions for the future, gorbachev's aides held consultations with the opposition it was important for them that the opposition agreed with the election of the president at the congress, would not call for rallies and strikes on this occasion, and moreover , would vote for mikhail sergeyevich as a counter step on the part of the kremlin , in addition to the abolition of the sixth article , joint work was proposed on a program of phased transition to a market economy. an informal

agreement was then reached by the majority of opposition deputies in march 1990 voted for president mikhail gorbachev in the writings of historians and political scientists , there have been discussions for many years about what role the abolition of the sixth article of the soviet constitution played in the future fate of the ussr, many argue that it was a fatal step that made the collapse. union is almost inevitable in part. it is true that the communist party was the supporting frame of the ussr, and its ideology was an indispensable glue that held the soviet structure together into an integral and centralized state. the removal of the frame and the removal of the glue led to the collapse of the state building. gorbachev was right

by making the transition to co-portability and the presidential system. is it true. find yourself in a new situation and really use the huge presidential powers. he didn't make it. but now, look how bizarre history is exactly 10 years later. march 2000 is already in a completely different state in the russian federation. the russian united social democratic party was created , its leadership included many prominent figures from the times remaining in the past perestroika. mikhail gorbachev was elected chairman of the new left party, and its appearance was welcomed by the entire european social democracy, but, alas, time was irrevocably lost in the mood of the people, as their attitude towards the only president of the ussr changed radically. the transition of the soviet union in 1990 to a multi-party system and to

a presidential form of government was an important step that opened opportunities for political modernization, which in turn could accelerate critical changes in the economy, but the ussr was already beginning to burst at the seams of the republic one by one stretched to independence and the main task- became the search for a new saving version of the union statehood. why choose between a car , vacation, furniture repair, when you can take a loan from the bank's post office and buy all 4% per annum with the service

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august 20, a memorable date in the military history of russia on august 20, 1939, the offensive in khalkhin-gol the red army went on the offensive against the japanese militarists. at the khalkhin-gol river and further inflicted a heavy defeat on them, the harsh lesson japan received in the mongolian steppes kept it from attacking the ussr, along with germany, the battles at khalkhin-gol revealed to us the military genius. georgy zhukov, a turning point in the conflict occurred then a new energetic commander arrived in the combat zone and took matters into his own hands. hello, i'm sergey stankevich today, together with you, we will again turn over the pages of the calendar and recall the grammatical events of the end of the 20th century, when new russia was born from the soviet union

, we will talk about how a group of communist reformers led by mikhail gorbachev , having proclaimed a course towards perestroika, tried to reform the soviet economy in 1986- 1990 to complete this task. then it was not possible , and this largely ruined perestroika. let's see why in 1985 the state economy of the ussr is no longer the first year was in a crisis of directive management of the state. or rather, as it was then said, the party and the government directly indicated to everything and everyone what to do and how to live , the management structure looked like this: direct directive planning of production. in total, from rockets , combines, buttons, matches, the state planning commission direct directive distribution of material resources. gosnab direct price setting committee on prices direct distribution of state. state

bank money, finally the direct distribution of labor to the labor committee, and then to no one doubted the inviolability of the established order strictly followed the state security committee. what such an administratively command economy led to is most clearly shown by the panorama of empty shelves in soviet stores in the second half of the 1980s . look like this for years it was all over the vast country to the very outskirts. huge lines of crush and skirmishes everywhere. at the counters in those cases, however, increasingly rare, when they gave something there or, as they said then, threw it away, you can also remember the gallery of colorful coupons for all types of products from sausages, cheese and sugar to detergents , vodka and tobacco emergency measures, common in wartime, became an everyday sign

of the peaceful socialist life of the soviet economy for decades was distinguished by complete financial irresponsibility. the main thing was to meet and exceed the planned target in terms of volume in pieces and tons, not counting their costs, without worrying about the sale. divorced , grandiose construction projects were started, a third of which ended in deaf unfinished , mountains of weapons were produced, the lion's share of which was forcibly sold to dependent from countries at half price or simply given to third world countries from an irrevocable debt, in fact, stagnant agriculture absorbed the money without a trace, while the state had to pay more and more to maintain the formal cheapness of food. that is, at the expense of the budget, both producers and consumers were subsidized by the share of subsidies directed to keeping low retail prices for endangered agricultural products. exceeded 12% of gdp during perestroika how did

the leadership of the soviet union respond to the main challenge an adequate economic answer, alas , was never found. the saving idea of ​​changing the economic structure of the transition to full-fledged market relations was rejected until 1990 by gorbachev's team for too long . ideological blinkers and direct resistance of the soviet nomenklatura were mixed. the first stake of gorbachev's team in the economic sphere was the acceleration program, the roots. they left her back in 1983 to finalize the andropov one. the epoch of acceleration has become the hallmark of the first two years of the activity of the new general secretary at the suggestion of mikhail gorbachev 27th congress in 1986, the cpsu approved an unreasonably optimistic plan for the last 12 five-year plan in the history of the ussr, it was supposed to simply

spur the planned economy, among it with achievements. scientific and technological progress expected economic growth of 5% per year. including by doubling capital investments in mechanical engineering in 2 years instead of accelerating. deceleration was revealed through and through the costly economy absorbed any amount, not giving a return to the ussr, and so it produced combines 10 times more than the united states, but this is not helped to raise the decadent agriculture , production did not need to increase volumes, but in economic efficiency, the course towards acceleration, which turned out to be a technocratic self-deception, was silently curtailed. another mistake that caused financial damage to the country and political damage to perestroika was the anti-alcohol campaign. the authors of the idea

to eradicate drunkenness in the ussr and introduce a sober lifestyle were members of the politburo. egor ligachev and mikhail solomentsev during the years 1985-1988 in the country was halved the production of all alcoholic beverages, even beer, but the price of alcoholic beverages was sharply increased, the number of outlets selling alcohol, as well as the time of their work, was radically reduced, but the norm was two bottles. in one hand, for a large purchase for a wedding or funeral, special permission was required, the people answered the siege of liquor stores by a wave of evil anecdotes and mass moonshining, because of which sugar disappeared from the trade, a currency anti-alcohol company. generated many absurd scenes in everyday life also faded in 3 years. at the same time, she reduced the budget revenue from

retail trade in the third place. rybachev's assistant, georgy shakhnazarov, estimated the damage at 100 billion rubles. on january 1, 1987, state acceptance of products by quality was introduced in industry; state controllers began to work at enterprises , who had the authority to accept or wrap any goods that were previously used in the defense industry, where the military assessed the quality of weapons and equipment, a civilian economy was spread, where the state acceptance naturally failed, proving that the quality should still be assessed by the consumer, moreover, the 1987 law on the state enterprise, which introduced elements of self-financing and self-financing in many ways, seemed to look more thoughtful.

it was strong, a belated attempt to revive and advance kosygin's developments is pointless, ruined 15 years earlier, the worse score was sung in sistika and even on the kvn stage as a panacea replacing the concept of the market that is still unacceptable to the cpsu. however, for real there were no systemic conditions for self-support, no raw materials, no labor, no money, no end products could become a commodity, the old fell apart, and the new could not be born. here are the figures characterizing the financial results of the perestroika era for 4 years from 1986 to 1989 the budget deficit increased from 18 billion to 120 billion rubles the annual mission of money

increased from 4 billion. go to service the accumulated external debt, the more time the population began to feel. the crisis in full swing in the summer of 1989 in the kuzbass , donbass and vorkuta began regular strikes by miners who put forward both economic and political demands. the last soviet government, headed by nikolai ryzhegov, finally got confused in half-measures and hopelessly missed the time to govern according to the old government, and could not declare a state of emergency to reduce funding for long-term construction and the military-industrial complex to increase retail prices. i was afraid and did not want to recognize the inevitable change in the economic structure the democratic opposition at the second deputy congress in december 1989

regarded the program of the rozhkov government as a capitulation before the crisis , demands were made to reject the program and send the government away. when one of the leaders below the regional deputy group, academician andrei sakharov, retired, he even put forward a proposal to prepare a general political strike in the country, but the union congress of deputies by an obedient majority did not come to that at the end of 1989. here he rejected the distrust of the government of the ussr and left the sick soviet economy to perish in the hands of helpless and incompetent therapists by this time. the berlin wall has already collapsed in germany, but the ideological wall in moscow has proved stronger.

the remar direction the most difficult direction had to take the command over. in that battle, they suffered very heavy losses, not counting how many of them we had for 300, the chase was to the right, and i was thrown out. in that situation , be honest.

in the main events of this minute in our news release, ukrainian troops fired on the peaceful cities of donbass and released several dozen missiles were also fired from nato howitzers and self-propelled guns; there were dead, wounded , and residential buildings were damaged. today, employees of the investigative committee are recording shelling in the kiev, kuibyshevsky and petrovsky districts of the city of donetsk . uh, there were four people injured.