in san francisco. is this the only way to go from your point of view going forward that we will be able to actually create an awful field for everyone going forward? >> is fundamentally important if we want other families to live here. if we want to keep families here and we want to keep them healthy, we need to figure out strategies to squeeze more hours out of the field that we have, or the other option is to figure out a way to build new ones. the first strategy is probably a lot more of an outside and a lot more potential from the second one. i am hopeful that as we continue, the southeast

continues to develop the long- term planning process to think about the need for parks or there is rejuvenation, landscapes, and beautification, but a place where the kids can play. it is a story that has been before you many times, but it is investment. if we are going to do the mission that families need us to do, the city is committed to keeping families and keeping them happy, healthy, and thriving, as a matter of public policy, we have to make a decision to invest more. which of 12% of the city's land, less than 2% of the general fund. we have been asked to reduce our spending over the last seven years.

the public demand has not dissipated. and if we want to keep the families that we have, and we have more families that need and demand the services, it is only going to increase. i would much rather see haunt and investment in playgrounds and public recreation. it is critical. the public agrees. 82% of the respondents said that the city's recreation and park department he more funding. eight out of 10 respondents spoke -- focused on playground equipment. maintaining the safety is extremely important.

president chiu, you asked about the department doing a lot of things. there are a handful of the apartments that spend a lot of time focused on this. a lot of departments really share this mission. i agree it would be important to come up with a metric to figure out how we are doing. in terms of whether the metric is based on out migration or growth in public-school enrollments for growth in permits, you can probably figure that out. i am optimistic about the passion. we are all focused on this, we want this. do not underestimate the impact that our parks and recreational amenities play in this equation. what i thought i would do is to

end a little bit on a happy note. president chiu: i recognize that every department needs a set of metrics to keep in to make sure that we are achieving what we need to achieve. while it may not be one metric, it would be helpful for us to come to an agreement to say, what would be useful for us to drive toward? it is hard when the public looks of the millions of dollars we spend and everyone of these areas. if the metric is serving our families, how do we think about that? i'm looking at you and the department heads to tell us what you think ought to be the metric so that you can come back to us to say we are making headway or we are not for what ever good or

less than good reasons. >> what i wanted to end with, it has been a rather long hearing, if i can find it here, i mentioned that we have -- [unintelligible] [chanting]

>> all right. supervisor farrell: thank you, phil. we appreciate the presentation. we'll try to speed things up here. dan kelly, then you for being here from our human services agency to give a little bit of overview from your department and your perspective. >> i oversee planning for human services agency. our agency has to departments, the department of human services that includes medical, food stamps, children's protective services, etcetera. our perspective is maybe a

little broader, and the lenses basically poverty. we see family flight not isolation, but part of broader trends. the fight of african americans from the city and the alarming rise in social isolation among san franciscans, particularly low-incumbeome ones. it doesn't show very well. can that be centered? this was a great chart. the title, in particular. it shoews the adult and child population. san francisco has always had very few children. if we look back to the 50s, the

baby boom population, the sixties, white families started to migrate from the suburbs. we continue to have very low number of cities. we have fewer joe then than any other major city in the nation. -- if your children than any other major city in the nation. it is so much more acute because we have so many few were to begin with. supervisor farrell: the lowest percentage of any other major city in the country? >> yes, it has been true for several decades. manhattan is now at 15 something. at 2000, our proportion was 14.5%, manhattan was 18.5%. even looking for comparisons,

that would be the best i can think of. i want to talk about it in the context of this growing trend of economic inequality. again, we are concerned mostly with low-income families. it measures income distribution in the city. if one person in the city that all of the income, this measure would be 1.0. if it was distributed evenly among everybody, if it would bezero. -- be zero. it shows a tremendous leap in inequality in the city. it is a trend nationwide. it is accentuated in san francisco, a very acute. it has a lot of different applications including families.

it creates this two-year community. -- two-tiered community. it leads to the awful certainty with which we can say at the age of 5, what are the outcome's going to be in terms of education and so forth? thinking about that, what you see as the growth of highly educated persons in san francisco related to the knowledge economy. but you see, we have grown much higher in terms of the percentage of people with college degrees. i think we are neck-and-neck with seattle for our lead in the nation. people with more education make more money. they drive up the cost of

everything. in looking at this, imagine my department's challenge in finding work for families when they have such educational deficits. this is a little bit dated, i took it from the office of economic work force development. showing gains and losses in terms of and come. this is 1990 to 2000. you see the tremendous growth -of persons with advanced degrees at the drop of people with high school degrees. they are probably immigrants living in an insulated labour market.

this shows the age migration and san francisco between 1990 and 2010. it confirms some of the things discussed earlier. on the left is lost, on the right is gain. a slight loss for kids under five, right? but that it really accelerates when they reach school age. we have a lot of families that have children, how they move when their kids are school age. we point out a couple of other things, a huge increase. we have a lot of young adults without dependants live for five years or whatever. and we have had a huge increase, over the age of the 45 that are at the maximum level of and come

that maybe are not raising children at that point. i also want to point out the seniors there. people migrated out. you also see the huge number of very old seniors, it was a question earlier about seniors in the city. we have more seniors than any other community. it is about 16% or 17%. seniors you're very different. here there are very much influenced by immigration. they are much poorer and likely to be over the age of 80 and 75. they are less educated. 20% don't have a high-school degree. you can see them as a remnant of

an earlier economic era. you could have a middle-class life in san francisco. speaking of seniors, i want to take a moment to talk about all the ramifications of their being so few children in the city. this shows in-home support services and compares san francisco to the 10 largest counties. this is people in support services, a program that provides care so that seniors and persons with disabilities can stay at home. we are more than double the next highest county. part of what that is is we have older persons that grew up here, raised their children, and their children can't afford to raise their families here. they have moved to other communities, east bay, ariz., other states.

it creates a tremendous isolation that relies on formal networks rather than more informal ones. there was a survey of seniors across 12 cities in the united states, only 24% of seniors have a child within 20 minutes of them. in most cities, it was over 40%. there were tremendous implications for the support systems. we talked about the flight of families in terms of ethnicity. put it in the broader context here of the city's history. we have a tremendous influx of african-americans during the war. it started to decline about 1980. and especially the chinese

rising at the same time. if you think about ethnic groups, often sociologists think about them competing for scarce resources. for most cities, it would be described as latino and african- american. when you look at the home buying patterns, even in 2000, only a bare majority were african american anymore. you can see the asian, pacific islanders moving into the southeast part of the city. this breaks down race and ethnicity by age group. the bar is miners, the dark one on the right would be seniors.

whites tend to be an old population. african americans are younger. asian/pacific islanders have the largest groups across the board but they also have a large number of seniors. latinos are very young, 14% of the population. 22 % of the children in the city. this shows between 1990, and this is another analysis that we did using the american communities survey from 2006 to 2008. you see the huge loss of african-american children. you see a huge number of african-americans. we have to point out, in 1990,

you weren't able to put multiple choice. part of this, there is a huge loss of african-americans. we wanted to know where they went. other cities have had large losses of african-americans. oakland dropped between 1990 and 2008. richmond from 43 to 27. you look at where they went, and you see the suburbs between san francisco and sacramento is where many of the african- americans left during that time. for example, the number of african-americans grew by 33,000. antioch had 1700 african

americans, today over 18,000. going back to the first chart, you saw white families leaving in the '60s and '70s. now we have african-american families moved into the suburbs. a lot of this movement occurred before the recession. many of these are working class families. they have moved to the suburbs or the safety net is nowhere near as strong as in san francisco. the other concern about this with african-americans is that it shows the number of homeowners in san francisco. a lot of the phenomenon was that they've you have the largest of ownership rate for many years.

a lot of homeowners cashed in their chips and moved out of the city. the show's the number of african american homeowners in the city. they have declined much faster. 37% fewer. one of the major concerns from my department is isolation is a huge factor in terms of negative outcomes for low-income families and seniors as well, as i mentioned earlier. if families with resources moved away, who did not move? a lot of them are the families who did not have the resources to move away. not only are they struggling with fewer resources, but those are aunts and uncles and grandparents who live in antioch, and they have less social support.

isolation is the second biggest factor after poverty for child abuse in the city. if you think about any negative outcome, youth violence, school dropouts, whatever, it is always aggravated when a neighborhood or community is homogenous in poverty. when there is only low-income people who live there. when it is not a healthy, diverse community. this is a very acute pressure for low-income families in san francisco. this is income standards for families. the show's the top level -- this shows what the top level is. the next is the federal poverty level for family of three. the next one comes from a study done by the center for community economic development. it shows what it would cost to

for that same family unit to have a no-frills lifestyle in san francisco. the yellow bar is the median income for single parents with two kids in san francisco. you have the average of almost 100,004 -- 100,000 for a family. it is nothing but destitution. i want to point out in the governor's budget, the cuts to this amount being opposed -- proposed, the proposal by the governor is that there be two years lifetime for families. that if a parent wants to take time out to go to school, the parent is in a domestic violence situation, the clock still takes. currently they can have an exemption and stopped the clock while they stabilize their

lives. the proposal is to remove even more threads to the safety net. >> a large part of a question in gauging how we're doing compared to other cities. do you have that data as well? isolation -- how we are doing vis-a-vis other cities is important to look at. >> of course. the specific question you're asking we do not have, but we can do. we have done other comparisons with other counties in terms of public benefit and household types. we can look at families -- family households by income level. i work with bryan chu to do that. >> we will follow-up as well. thank you for being here.

we appreciate it. we have a few more speakers. thank you, everyone, for bearing with us. next we have the director of coleman advocates. ms. walker. thank you for being here. thanks for sticking around. >> thank you for the opportunity to present this afternoon. supervisor elsbernd: or evening, almost. >> we have two members who wanted to speak and share their stories. one had to leave. veronica garcia will sheer horror -- will share her story. >> good afternoon. my name is brought a garcia. i am a part of coleman advocates and the organizing effort under students making a change. i am a native of san francisco. i am a single mother of two children who are 7 and 10 years

old. i am a full-time student at city college. i also work part-time making $12 an hour. i am a caretaker for my mother who needs a heart transplant. i am an example of the families that are struggling to survive in san francisco. an example of this is i am currently living with my parents because i cannot afford to live on my down in san francisco, $12 salary. my home has eight people living in it which is multigenerational, now. i share a room with my two daughters which can imagine is pretty crowded. and because we do not have space, they have to do their homework on the bed which is where i also do my homework. another example is the fact that the cost of rent is ridiculously high. the waiting lists for affordable housing or ridiculously long. even though i qualify for for housing, i have not been able to obtain it. moreover, what one can be paid

for a job does not suffice the income needed to live in the city. as much as i am -- i love san francisco i am forced to look for other cities to move to. despite my hardship, i am committed to give more opportunity to my family. this should not mean i should be forced out of my city to make that happen. so i'm going to read. good afternoon, my name is evelyn. i have been a member of coleman families while being active in the affordable housing and education campaign. since birth, at been raising my grandson while his mother finishes school. i became all too well known about the challenges that children face, especially african-american boys who, every day -- who face every day in schools and in some neighborhoods within the city. wanting a better future for my

grandson, i became aware of the schools where he would obtain his education. as a parent and a grandparent, i wanted more for him since his mother struggles in school due to lack of support she received in public education during her fault -- third and fourth grade -- during her middle and high school years. most of our kids are overlooked in and passed on as not being able to go on and succeed in a four-year college and those who do struggle to catch up with their students because they did not receive the educational corp. to perform level needed to succeed when obtaining a degree. realizing this, i am fighting the school -- finding a school for him so he can achieve his goals in life, securing the future. education is not an option but the key to being successful in my family. after searching for an affordable home and a landlocked -- a landlord to accept section a, i was forced to look across

the bay. every part of my life was in the city. my doctor and school. the commute was very costly. we left home early in the morning even driving and returning late. when taking part -- bart, my grandson was sleeping and complaining of being tired. his health turned for the worst. we have to accept a home in hunters point area near the shipyard with assistance by section 8. i could not live in san francisco. it has been difficult finding a place we can afford and able to live on and i unsafe neighborhoods where he can play without worrying he would get shot or killed because he wanted to go outside to play or ride his bike. since then we have found a better place to live. crime and safety is a big problem. i watch children walking to and from school witnessing gunshots and death each and every day.

they go to school and try to learn. although some teachers and schools have tried to return to the classrooms are overcrowded and teachers are not trained to help. all the children fail. i know a child goes through their kindergarten years and on through third grade only once. when the school system fails to educate them, to build a jail for them when they reach a certain age says volumes to where their party lies and i feel that here at coleman, we've fight to make that change. there many parents and grandchildren -- grandparents raising children. -- there are many parents and grandparents raising children. all children are not being given the chance to get the right access to even apply or necessary -- necessary knowledge of how to get the help they need to do better in school and