so based on the narcotics unit, and the spotting operations, the estimated known police department costs were $7,593,091. and we made an assumption that 68% of the costs were related to the arrests in the tenderloin, south market, and mid-market areas, based on the break down of arrests i discussed at a previous slide. the district attorney's costs -- 80.5% of the arrests resulted in charges filed. so that would be 601 arrests. of the 601 arrests with charges filed, about 46% are still pending.

and about 28% resulted in convictions. 11.3% were dismissed, and 9.2% resulted in other action, and just under 5% resulted in a successful diversion. 80.3% resulted in county jail sentence served. about 3% resulted in a straight sentence, which is time and county jail which have other been in state prison before realignment reforms. and a little less than 1% resulted in a split sentence, which is supervision under the realignment laws, another half percent resulted in unsupervised probation. we estimate the total district attorney costs in fiscal year 2017-18 of

prosecuting drug sale cases in those neighborhoods, about $1,364,850. of course, those cases are also defended by the public defender in many cases. in many cases, the public defender provided defenses for 8 25 drug cases, with 4.25 f.t.e.s devoted to those cases, and we therefore came up with an estimate of about $436,897 for those costs. the sheriff's office performs three main functions when responding to arrests of individuals on drug sale charges. they book arrestees into jail, and they book beds while they await trial, and they manage court security costs during legal proceedings. the total estimated costs for these services in

2017-18, we have is $1,692,811. as you know, federal, state, and local policies have shifted away from criminal prosecution and mandatory sentencing of low-level drug offenders. converging and collaborative programs that address addiction include l.s.f., which sa law enforcement diversion program, the young adult court, behavioral health court, and drug court. the total estimated city-wide costs for the diversion programs, for l.s.f. and young adult court are $420,157, and our assumption of 68% of the costs attributed to those neighborhoods is $286,108. the community ambassadors' program is a engagement and jobs program run by pacific engagement and

pacific affairs. they can provide general assistance to the public and provide wellness checks, and they can report hazard and maintenance needs to local authorities and contact medical services and can provide a walking escort to those individuals who feel unsafe. for fiscal 2017-18 is $735,121. the office of economic and workforce development offers several programs in order to deter crime and promote community engagement. their approach is sometimes call crime prevention through environmental design. the o.e.w.d. operates a program that funds projects that supports business owners or property owners for their storefronts and ground force spaces. and o.e.w.d. creates

grants for those working on enhancing the over all totality of neighborhood. the department authored a block grant, increasing eyes on the street, and instilling an over all pride of place. for these three programs, we have an estimate that the costs was $272,000 for fiscal year 2017-18. we included three policy options in our report. those are that the board of supervisors should consider the following actions: first, creating a taskforce to suppress open air drug sales, consisting of community members, experts, department agencies, to curb drug sales and suggest new programs and efforts. if such a work group is initiated, we note that the board should request it report periodically on the cost of various efforts across city agencies and to track

those programmes' effectiveness. and we requested the director of public health to report on how d.p.h. plans to continued the lead, including an estimate of necessary funding, and how the city can maintain or increase the rate of social contact and free booking referrals. and finally, we included an request to include the department of children, youth, and families, to expand referral to young adult court after the exploration of state grandegrantfunding. that concludes our presentation. we're available for questions, if there are any. >> i had one question, and then i'll turn it over to other folks around the charges and the convictions. and i may add, this might be something appropriate for the district attorney. but did they share what those convictions were

for, in terms of whether they were mostly kind of smaller, by bus, or were there any number of them that were kind of from larger or more significant types of roles? and i noted there was a note that around some of the folks who were charged not living in san francisco, did they provide information about residence or anything like that? >> so the first question i would refer to the district attorney. and i believe we don't have the information. >> we don't have that. but the d.a. did note their information also suggested that many of the people are outside, from outside of san francisco. but we don't have additional information. >> vice chair stefani? >> thank you. just a quick question on page nine of your report. of the 173 convictions for arrests, you said 80.3%

received probation with county jail time. do you know the breakdown between jury trial convictions versus whether or not the case was pled out? or did you just receive information that these were the out comes? you said 80.3% received convictions, einwonder if i'm wg if they got there through a jury trial or they just pleaded out? >> i don't have that. >> do you have the breakdown of the charges filed in these cases, whether or not these felonies, whether or not they're repeat offenders? >> sorry, we will have to get back to you on that. we will have a presentation from the

district attorney as well from probation, and they might be able to answer that. >> i have some questions that you may not have the answers to, but maybe some of the other speakers will. but, can you talk about what the 4.7% successful diversions look like? what that means. >> yeah. just my understanding is -- actually, i can't fully speak to that, but i know there is an element of the individuals th that are offered that program voluntarily and wanting to participate in that,. >that.>> behavioral health court, or lead -- well, it wouldn't be lead. or mental health diversion. >> and i'm also sort of interested -- and you may not have this information -- what kind of county jail time that looks like? is that the jail time to book someone or is that a longer period of time?

because there -- it kind of looks like maybe just a mill, right, where you're just pushing a whole bunch of people through. we're not diverting them, there is 4.7%, but they're not really spending a lot of time in jail -- i don't know. maybe that sa question is a que. and do these folks keep coming back? how much of these drug sale arrests are repeats? i would be interested in knowing that. and i think those are the main things that i'm curious about. >> okay. i believe -- i think that the staff and district attorney can best answer that question. i do believe a lot of that time is time already served. >> i'm curious what the lifecycle of a pre-trial arrest looks like.

is that -- are people spending a lot of time in jail waiting for a trial? i'm guessing not. i'm guessing that jail time might just be the time it takes to sort of book someone and maybe do -- i don't know. i have no idea. d.a.s and public defenders can probably answer that. >> a lot of questions that will probably come up in the next presentation. one thing i think you will be able to answer, we want to make sure this is available to the public, this report. will it be up on your website where people can access it? >> yes. we will request that it is uploaded today. >> so it is on the board of supervisors' budget and legislative analysts -- there is a lot more information in it, so for people in the public interested in it, they can take a look at that. yes. thank you. i appreciate it. next, i want to call up the police department. and chief scott is here, as well as, i believe,

captain savery, who is the tenderloin police captain, who are going to present on behalf of s.f. p.d. thank you for being here chief, and captain. >> good afternoon, supervisors, supervisor haney and supervisor stefani, and supervisor mandelman. what i intend to do is give a bigger picture of our department's drug enforcement strategy. and then i'm going to turn this over to give what is happening in terms of

narcotics enforcement. so in developing a plan and a strategy, s.f.p.d. analyzed data beginning in january '17 to november 2018. these dates ensure that the resources and the efforts we commit to narcotics will be properly deployed. our data shows a -- from a city-wide view, in a 23-month time span, there were approximately 4,574 narcotics-related incident reports, with 36% of those reports occurring in the tenderloin district, followed by 15% in the southern direct, al district, district 6. furthermore, of the 45074 narcotic-related incident reports, 4,038 resulted in arrests or a citation. with 36% in the

tenderloin, followed by 15% in the southern district. after reviewing and analyzing that city-wide data, related to narcotics incidents and arrests, the s.f.p.d. narrowed its 2019 mission and focus on the tenderloin district, with the goal of reducing narcotics-related activities, both use and sales, during the 2019. they will accomplish this through various strategies, including but not limited to identifying geographical areas of enforcement, focusing on focusid to high level drug dealers. and it includes the state investigation teams looking at environmental design says within the area, and collaborating with city stakeholders to identify services and resources for habitual offenders. so there is actually a lot that goes into this strategy. and i just want to go

through a couple of highlights in terms of how our strategically applies and how we're moving forward. as i said, mid-to-high level narcotics suppliers is part of our focus. we also are focused on patrol and investigation strategies that work together through coordination. and that includes strategies between the narcotics unit and the respeculative district station, in this case, tenderloin and southern and soma, to make sure we are focused and coordinated through a series of by bus operations, by walk operations, flip beats, and the use of the mobile command mosted in the posted ine tenderloin district. and identifying chronic narcotics dealers, as well as misdemeanor chronic narcotics users.

that strategy also is committed to working with other law enforcement partnerships and partners, including the sheriff's department, who you'll hear from today, the california highway patrol, the san francisco probation, juvenile probation, and the surrounding bay area departments, and the high intensity drug trafficking area, always known as hida, and as well as the u.s. attorney's office. lastly, i want to talk a little bit about environmental design, just from a broader context. o.e.w.d. was mentioned by the legislative analyst, and that is a part of our strategy as well. to go beyond traditional law enforcement measures and work with other city agencies, such as o.e.w.d., and community members, to pr proactively look at how to stop the

use and sales of narcotics, particularly in the tenderloin district. and they want to get the community involved in ways that include posting signs, no parking, enforcement in parks, posting signs for drug-free zones, installing the appropriate lighting, video surveillance where appropriate, forming neighborhood-watch groups, and disseminating messages regarding narcotics activity and ways to stop it. and, lastly, through the use of our healthy streets, known as h.s.o o.c., we are working with other city agencies in a collaborative way to get as many people to serve as possible. and we also have the criminal justice system as leverage to do that, and there are incidences where the criminal justice system, where making

arrests, is appropriate, but our goal is to get people to a better place. we want to degrees the supply side, both the dealers, high level, mid level dealers, and the addicted people, who are mainly out and using drugs on our streets. with that, i'll turn it over to captain fabr fabre for more questions on what is going on in the tenderloin, and then we're available for more questions. >> thank you, chief scott. good afternoon, supervisors, i'm carl fabre, and i'm the captain. i'm going to briefly go over my first few slides. i'll go over them pretty quickly so we can get to questions. the first slide shows all city-wide narcotics arrests for possession or sale in 2018.

in 63% of those arrests -- basically these are for drug dealing, whether it was possession for sale or sales. 63% of those in the year 2018 occurred in the tenderloin police district. these next two slides i'm going to use to show you the comparison of first quarter 2018 for city-wide narcotics incidents, where are we making arrests, and in the first quarter of 2018, 62% of the arrests were made in the tenderloin district. in the first quarter of 2019, very similar numbers, 54% of the all drug-dealing arrests were made in the tenderloin. this map shows the complete year 2018, and it is a heat map that shows where we made arrests for sales and possession for sales of narcotics in

2018. as you can tell from this heat map, we have a fairly defined area where the drug dealing is r & r very intense and where we're focusing our work. it is levelin street to polk, and then southbound to around mission street. i think this is a good time to mention that's where we're making the arrests. i think the controller's office mentioned repeat offenders. based on the data i have, 111 people were arrested in the tenderloin more than once for drug dealing in 2018. so in those 111 people, it accounted for 248 arrests. so it kind of goes without saying that we are using a lot of resources on the same people over and over again.

so the next slide is the first quarter of 2018. it shows the -- this slide is meant to contrast with the next slide. it shows where we were making arrests during the first quarter of 2018. as you can see, there are about seven major areas of the tenderloin we were focusing on. as we progressed through 2018 and into the first quarter of 2019, on the next slide, you'll see that the efforts that we're putting into drug dealing, against drug dealers, has -- it has basically forced some of the dealers to get out of the areas, for the most part, that we're focusing on, and they've really started to deal, and we're starting to do enforcement, in two spiskt areas. specific areas. on the map, you can see we're very focused on or arrests for this first

quarter, goldengate and hyde, as well as eighth and market. and to me, i just want to point out this is a good thing. when the dealers are spread out throughout the entire tenderloin, it is difficult for us to have an impact on them. but as we put pressure on dealers to move, they start to compress their operations. and it allows us to do the same. and we can really focus on the drug dealers in those areas. so the next slide is, again, all 2018 arrests made in the tenderloin district for drug dealing. and it has an overlay for nanaroxone saves. if you spend time in the tenderloin, you know it is not just us. it is citizens,

paramedics -- we're all carrying the naloxone and we're making saves of people who are overdozing. what this slidoverdosing.i thinn the right areas. the picture that is on the right of this is s, it was a double overdose that we saw -- it was on goldengate at hyde. it is just not an uncommon sight in the tenderloin, to see these overdoses occurring, and the community and the police -- everybody jumping in to save lives. it happens every day, multiple times a day. this next slide is a list of some of the strategies that we're employing to combat drug dealing. in the following slides,

i'll get into more details of each. >> if the look at the two photographs on the right, those are two arrests made in the tenderloin. each was made of one dealer for one day. so when i tell you that a single arrest of a drug dealer, who is bringing in this type of wait, and you stop a drug dealer and put him in jail and he can't deal this, people actually do not overdose because of that one single arrest and that one dealer off the street. so this picture on the right, it's almost all fentanyl, which when i first got to tenderloin in october of 2017, fentanyl absolutely existed. but it is increasingly on the street -- when i first heard about people just dealing straight fentanyl, i was really surprised, and that's what we're seeing now.

the advantage of by bus operations is that they make for a really solid case. we have an undercover police officer who is carrying marked city funds, and at the end of the deal, the drug dealer has our money and we have his drugs, and there are several witnesses to the deal. so those are really solid cases. they -- i venture to say that probably 90% of those cases are charged by the district attorney's office. but that isn't the issue. charging them is one thing. it is what is the long-term disposition in those cases. i was happy to hear the supervisors asking for more detail about what is the long-term disposition. >> can we go back a step. not necessarily a slide, but a question. i thought i heard you say something that was interesting to me. do you think that your enforcement activities are

affecting was is available on the market? i thought i heard you say that because of the work you're doing, there is product that cannot be purchased, or there are people who are not overdosing because they can't access something, which seems like quite a claim, but i'm not sure you actually made that. >> no, supervisor. what i was referring to was, in the slide that showed the drugs that were seized from us. one single dealer on one day -- it looks like 500 individually packaged -- >> unquestionably a lot of drugs. >> somebody would overdose on the street because of that -- that was my point. >> if you're having an impact on supply, it is probably to drive up cost a little bit? any way, sorry. go ahead. >> so one of the other strategies that has been extremely affective are

fugitive recovery operations. since october of 2018, we've run three of these operations. it is fairly self-explanatory. we bring together police resources, sheriff's deputies, parole agents, probation, and we go out and we, in a short period of time, look for people who have outstanding warrants, and people who are in violation of probation parole, violently stay-away order that is were issued by the courts. when we bring together all these resources, it is a big demand on the sheriff's department. they need to bring in nurses for clearance at the jail and so forth. but i will tell you that i've seen it, and the community has told me that just directly after these operations end, there is kind of a sense of peace in the district because they've seen a lot of police presence, and there has been a lot of arrests of people who need to be in custody, sometimes for their own good. and there is definitely a good feeling in the district after we run

these operations. i will point out that in this last operation we did on april 3rd, we booked -- we arrested 70. we booked 67 people. and there wasn't a single use of force. which i think just really speaks volumes about the way we're doing our job in the tenderloin. there is not a whole lot of people who are resisting us, and that is just based on our approach, how we approach them and we treat them with respect. the next strategy is problem solving beats. i didn't find a whole lot of foot beats in the tenderloin when i arrived there. and i quickly learned that that was only because, you know, to staff every sector car 24 hours a day, and to staff all the other things, investigators that work at the station, it quickly drains into your resources.

so what we started to do was we started off around eight months ago, and we created a small problem-semifinaling beatsolvin. we started off with four officers, and attrition got us to two. and officer holbrook and jordan townsend sort of set the mode on their own. they got to know people on certain blocks. they looked at blocks, they looked for problems they could solve, and they worked on solving them with the community. they know business owners. they know other city resources that are available. and they are getting these things done. over the last, i believe, six weeks, we increased it to six -- a team of six -- to do this problem-solving beat and model. i love it. i get a lot of great feedback from the community. i send the officers out with the mindset you're

not there to arrest somebody. you're there to be there and to solve problems, literally. sometimes, as you can imagine, in the tenderloin, if you're there just to solve problems and be seen, you have to make an arrest because the law calls for it. but for the most part, the program is growing and it is successful, and i want to keep it going. so, to me, what this chart shows is the first quarter, part one crimes, versus in 2018 -- versus the first quarter of 2019. almost across the board, over all, there is a 15% decrease in the tenderloin district. and i'm very aware of the fact that the number might not mean anything to you if you're having drug dealers at your front door, or they're harassing you or assaulting you, but this s is a good sign.

crime decreasing is always a good sign. thitthis is as a result of the problem-solving beats, the work we do with the community, the by bus operations, all coming together. and we're hoping this is going to continue in this direction. i think to do a presentation on drug-dealing in the tenderloin, the fact that narcotics dealers and guns come hand-in-hand is no secret. we're working really hard to make sure that we're getting as many guns off the street as we can. year-to-date, we've arrested 31 suspects armed with guns in the tenderloin, which is only second to the bay view district, which has 61 year-to-date. i'm a firm believer that every single gun we take

off the street is a potential life saved, a potential of somebody who was not shot. it is work that we're going to keep doing to keep the guns off the street. i was going to add one thing. fugitive recovery operations, by bus operations, beat cops, it makes it really difficult to carry a gun in the tenderloin. there are a lot of officers around, and you have a chance to have interactions with us, and it is one of the keys that has worked for us. knock on wood, nobody has been shot in the tenderloin this year. and i'll just wrap up real quick and just say we're seeing success in the tenderloin. and the -- obviously the work that is being done by it's officers at tenderloin station is a major factor there. they're what i believe to be the hardest working in the city. and the other stations are going to beat me up over that, but that's what i honestly believe. but we're not doing it

alone. our partnerships in the company and the support we get is key, and we want to build on that in the future. thank you, supervisors. >> supervisor haney? >> i have a couple of followup questions. okay. so i actually -- that question that i initially said -- that sort of conversation we started having about when drugs come off the street and what it actually means. i wonder if there is any way to measure whether enforcement activities are having an impact on price and availability of the drugs? i don't know. but that would be interesting. and -- i don't know if either one of you wants to -- >> if i could just -- a couple of things. ilarge scale, yes, i think statistics research has shown on a large scale, you take out a major

supplier, a lot of the drugs are coming in from out of the state. in some instances, out of the country. and when those supplies are cut, it could have an impact on prices. on a local scale, if we arrest a dealer here and there, it is not going to have much of an impact on the prices on a scale on a stren a local scale. but i wanted to make a bigger picture point on that very issue, though. part of this holistic solution is about disruption of the market. and one of the things that we have to do is disrupt the market and make sure that people don't come to the streets of our city and just feel they can comfortably sell drugs without some type of disruption. so there is a bigger formula. you know, people in this room, community members, we disrupt the market, and hopefully when we change the landscape, because we are doing enforcement and disrupting, then the

community component is really, really key. it really is key. yes, you have community, you have policing, and then you have a recovery period. it is a cycle and it can take time. our part of that is really to disrupt the market and make sure that people understand they can't just come to the tenderloin, or anywhere else in san francisco for that matter, and just sell drugs on our street and not be held accountable. that's a huge part of it. the work being done by the captain and his team of officers is really speaking to that disruption. which we're seeing now, more pronounced than we have in the recent past. there is a lot of work to be done. i have to go back to the community piece because that is vital. we can take every drug dealer off the streets today, but if we don't have any infrastructure to keep them from repopulating with new drug dealers, it is just going to be a vicious circle. so that's what it is really important we work with the community on

this. >> i guess my question relates -- not the new dealers who are replacing the old dealers, but the old dealer replacing the old dealer. so the dealer goes off the streets and is prosecuted, whatever, but they go back to it. i'm wondering whether it is anna analogous to the system, whether they're going through the psychiatric services over and over again. it makes me wonder, who are these drug dealers and what is sort of causing them to do it again and again? and are they, themselves, using substances? are they coming from other places? are they homegrown? do we have a sense? and once we know we've got one of these folks whose is doing it and then doing it again and then doing it again, how do we focus on the interventions that are going to get that particular person to stop

selling drugs? >> i'll answer the first part of that. on a larger scale, it is a combination of all of that. i mean, we have identified -- we know some of these groups are very sophisticated and organized. we know at the lower end of that spectrum, there are people who are users if sell to support the addiction. >> and how many of those are in our 800 or 900 prosecutions? >> i'm not sure. do you have that? >> you're asking about the -- >> i don't know what the number was. 800 in a year, 900, arrests. how many of those are people who are themselves addicts? >> they're addicts? actually, it is fairly less than you would think. it is a very small number of dealers. and, actually, if you -- geographically you can line them up, and sometimes there are a lot more users in some parts of the district who sell,

and then there are other parts where there are dealers who are strictly here to make money and they do not use any drugs whatsoever. they come in all shapes and sizes, is basically what i'm saying. >> and do you think there is any relationship between committing the same crime in san francisco over and over again, and the dealer themselves being an addict? >> i mean, you know, in the tenderloin, i can tell you that there is a certain population. they're not the addicts -- the addicts who are selling are really not -- yes, they're a problem in the community. they are not the problem. they are not what drove us to a hearing of this size. >> right. and how about folks coming from other places to sell drugs here? how much of the problem is that? that is to say, i'm not saying travelling, but folks coming from other places in the bay area

because san francisco is the place to sell drugs? >> it is a major problem. when we make arrests for drug dealing in the tenderloin, it is rare when the person tells us, oh, i live here in the tenderloin. they just don't. they're coming to the tenderloin. they're there to make money. they make money. they work in shifts. and they leave the city. it is very common. and it's something we see every day. >> if i could add to -- the tenderloin was one of the pilot areas for the lead pilot, and that's a collaborative with many city departments. but as of march 31st, the last report that i had available before this hearing, there were 325 lead referrals, and for the audience, lead is law enforcement assisted diversion, and the idea is to -- rather than if somebody has a drug offense that s is a

qualifying offense, rather than arrest them and take them to jail, they are diverted to services. that does include sales as a qualifying offense in certain instances. it is not a large percentage of individuals who are arrested for sales and diverted to lead, but there are some. >> is that part of the 4.7% that is diversion? >> that's part of it. it is a small pilot, the tenderloin and the mission district. there are two district stations. i just raised that point because there is an avenue for us to relieve, if we get that addictive person who is selling, we can divert them to lead. >> this conversation raise a question for a good liable like me, who is trying to find ways to divert people out of the criminal justice system to others. we have had a lot of conversations about how many folks in it's jails have a substance abuse or

a mental health problem. what you were portraying a driving drug sales in san francisco is not that. it is a crime of economic opportunity, folks who are coming here to make money, and doing that in san francisco. >> yes. you're absolutely right. >> thank you. >> i have a couple of questions, and i'll try to headachmake them quick so we can move on. how many patrols do you have in the tenderloin proper, not including market street? >> designated food patrols, i have six. >> that means at any given time, there are six -- right now there would be six out there, or more likely half that because they don't work all at once? >> those beats are -- there are six out there today, assuming that none took the day off. but there are six scheduled to be out there today. >> are those the problem-solving beats or

do they have particular routes? >> they don't have any geographically area, the problem solving beats. because to designate geographical areas would take a huge number of officers. so using problem-solving beats, they cover multiple blocks. >> there are some strategies that have been focused around deterrence or visibility. like on plaza, there was some fixed posts in the hender loin. thetenderloin. i don't think they exist anymore. some folks feel like it pushes some activity to other areas. you feel that the visibility and deterrence aspect of it is affective? >> i think it is a good short-term solution to put a fixed post. but when you put a fixed post, the dealers will just go to the next block.

so you took the problem from one block and moved it to the next. having said that, sometimes when the block is really out of control with dealers, and we just come in with a fixed post, frequenting past calls, we've used barricades. if you come in with every resource you have, the people who live on that block get relief. and they need it. and even if it is just for a short time, because sustaining that forever is impossible, but they need a break from the dealers in front of their homes every day and night. >> can you mention -- you mentioned some of the resources put towards sort of higher-level investigations and police work. is that being done at the station, or is there a larger set of resources that are devoted to that? is that a significant number of the arrests? or is it sort of -- >> it is a combination of both. captain fabre and his teamwork with our

narcotics unite, an unit, and we have 19 personnel in that unit. we just increased it by five a couple of weeks ago. and they are the -- the narcotics unite is responsible for the mid-level, high-level drug sales investigations. but they have to work in conjunction with the district station. because it has to all work together, basically. a lot of what we see on the streets is not originated here. somebody is masterminding these fairly sophisticated networks of drug dealers that end up on the streets of our city. so they do work in tandem. usually those investigations take a lot more time to develop. but what happens day to day impacts those investigations because if you arrest somebody who is a part of a network, then you have that much more evidence to address that network of drug dealers. so there are resources committed to that, but it has to work in conjunction with what is happening at the street and station

level. they don't -- it is hard to do it without some type of coordination and collaboration. and then there is also partnerships with outside agencies as well that enhances that effort. >> i didn't see anything in the presentation about stay-away orders. how does that fit into your strategy? >> stay-away orders are somewhat affective, but they're largely ignored by dealers. we don't know exactly why they're being ignored, but they are. we have some theories, that some dealers only have license to deal on certain blocks. and agreements, and they have to come back to deal on those blocks because if they go to the next block, they're on somebody else's drug turf, basically. the sheriff's department and the district attorney's office has upped the ante with using g.p.s. ankle monitors as

an alternative to somebody being incarcerated. but i can think of two incidents in the past two weeks where we arrested people with ankle monitors, one selling heroin, and i forget what the second offense was, but they're working with limited success, in my opinion. >> just the last thing, and then we'll move on. i have a ton of questions, but i don't want to take much more time. >> chairman: supervisor stefani may also have a question. >> in terms of what you're seeing that is affective, whether there are certain types of services or outreach that you're seeing happening on the street to folks, the crime prevention through environmental design, some of the activation of areas in more positive ways, are there certain things you're seeing out there where you're saying we're doing parts of what we can do, but if there was a lot more of this, it would create for a safer community and less overall

activity? >> yes, there is a lot. the first one that comes to mind is just the block safety groups. i think the idea of a block safety group is they get to know each other. they bring in city government. they bring in -- whether it is myself, people from department of public works, other city agencies, and the fix-it team, s.f. safe -- people that can get them access to city services. and we focus -- we basically -- what my feelings are is we get them started. we help them get their block clear. but really it is back on them to maintain it because we distinc can't have somebody standing on the block constantly. but using all these resources is a really good step. the market street -- 1,000 block of market is an example. a lot of people coming together, looking at

problems, and the law enforcement side of it, yes, we have a command van there, but the community has kind of taken it on their own to activate the plaza and do things like that, which are really helping. >> commissioner, it guess to your question -- we need to collaborate with other law enforcements and city agencies and groups, and whatnot. that collaboration, when it goes along with a good plan and patience -- because none of this is going to change overnight -- you have a thoughtout plan and an end game. what captain fabre says, i'll echo that, but i'll just say that we have to have a comprehensive plan that encompasses everything. all of these folks that came here today and spent

their time here, are very interested in good outcomes, i'm sure. but we want to be a part of that plan. we are not the solution. we can only do so much because we can't afford to have a cop on every corner in the tenderloin or any other part of the city. however, if we get an area stabilized, and we have a good plan in terms of what to do after that area is stabilized, we can do some really good things. that is what has worked in this city and other cities as well, in terms of that very model. that's what we're after. we'll definitely do our part. we're always repurposing or resources. but we do need a comprehensive plan. the answer to your question is, yes, we support the taskforce, we support that collaboration, and definitely we want to deal with the folks in this room, the community members, who have everything at take as well. >> chairman: supervisor stefani. >> just a quick question in terms of what i hear

back from officers i talked to. i hear that people are arrested and taken to court, and are released very soon thereafter and are seen there selling again. and do you find that that is happening frequently? are you arresting people and then seeing them out the next day, a couple days later, doing the exact same thing you arrested them for? >> yes. unfortunately, yes, we are. >> and how many times do you think that that person has to go through that same process before it is elevated in a way to the court, or that next step, because you can only do so much, before some type of intervention that is actually going to work takes place? how many repeat cases -- how many times do you have to go through that process? supervisor mandelman did the analogy to the 5150, going in and out of the courts. what is that threshold? how many times do you have to get before somebodysels says wsomebodysays we have to ie

and do something? >> i don't think there is a fixed number you could put on it. as i said in my presentation, we had 111 in 2018, and that doesn't account for the people selling drugs in 2017, who were arrested again in 2018. and that's 111. it is different in every case. sometimes we make several arrests of the same person, and they go away. they just leave. and i don't mean go away to jail. they just leave. they end up with warrants. and sometimes they continue to deal until we -- literally, we keep arresting them on the stay-away order over and over. we have some people we arrested 10 times, 12 plus times of seeing the same people. in my opinion, to break that cycle of the repeat offenders, i think it is appropriate, when they've done it over and over and over again, there is no other solution for that

finite group of people but to be in custody. i don't know another way to get it done. >> and when you are arresting someone over and over again, is that something you're working with the neighborhood prosecutor on, so that the district attorney's is aware of the repeat offenses? >> they are. every case -- when a person is arrested for pretty much anything, there is a packet that goes through the prosecuting district attorney, and they can look at the history and they know exactly if they're on probation, if they're out on o.r., on other cases, and how many cases. they know that when it comes through. >> okay. thank you. .

>> we're looking for solutions. i want to take a few minutes to share thoughts and information of our department's work that are relevant to the hearing. i don't have a power point so indulge me for just a few minutes and we'll have it for the next time. traditional criminal justice involvement in drug-rolled cases has shifted through the success of state policy and city and community programme and while there are successes, we're here today because we have community challenges and we have some really important questions

specific today that we need to dig deep on. can we deter open-air drug selling without moving sellers to different blocks? can there be a stronger earthquakes betweecoordination g people and how do we work with our undocumented population on making different decisions when fears of authority and society extranalities are barriers. these are complicated issues and in sanfrancisco, a lot of times we take an either/or approach to things and given the complexity, it's time we look at what can we do as an and. this and this. to really attack this from different ways. over the past 12 years i've work with justice-involved adults spending a year to nearly a decade to half a decade, excuse me in dale o.

i'm paraphrasing but the essence is here. on one hand, the sum did more harm than help to me. we should strive for as much diversion as possible and divert youth and young people from accelerating in lives of crime. there are some people who need a time-out in a secured place, not for a lifetime but for some time. jail in prison war more specifically programmes like restorative justice programmes in jail or prison provide an opportunity to get clean, to reflect and go through a transformative process towards gaining more responsibility, accountability and empathy. we must expand training and workforce opportunities for peers to provide mentorship both in and out of custody. even if you already have, i encourage you to have a focused conversation with previously incarcerated sa san franciscotot solutions. i know there are maying people to provide first-hand perspective and it would be

great if they and others from the previously incarcerated community could come together with you outside of these chambers to further discuss solutions. i want to talk about the broader population. since 2011, the advents of 109, the adult probation made a shift towards a service's design that prioritizes the integration of evidence-based criminal justice practices. specific to this hearing, we queried 6500 cases, not individual, but cases and 5% of them were on probation primarily for a drug related offense. as part of our strength-based approached and integrating evidence-based practices into

supervision, we have moved sister with extensive training which continues to include implieimplies sit biased, understanding needs and responses, mote be available interviewing, nonviolent deescalation and more expansive collaboration with community-based organizations. they blend both social work and law enforcement. our department is made up of a beautifully diverse staff of people, many of whom born and raised in san francisco or the yay area. apd has the opportunity to participate in city-wide collaborations through the lead programme and more recently through the healthy streets' initiative. you'll hear more about that later. so i'm going to move on from there. in addition to our core probation services, adult

probation created a re-entry division consisting of a team of non-sworn staff. we're committing tone during high quality re-entry and behavioral health serviceses and directing city resources to community-based partners. they support the probation supervision and re-entry goals to protect public safety and support the successes of justice-involved people. our division administers close to $15 million a year that go directly into health and services. our anchor programme and service's centre are the cast which is a partnership with usf averaging 125 unduebl 125 unduph each day. our focus is on the root drivers of this these behaviour that are keeping somebody in the system.

our inclusive environment is one of respect for differences in age, race and culture, gender, religion and sexuality. we don't tolerate disrespect towards peers, nor do we terminate somebody from our centre. our services are based in cognitive behavioral interventions and social emotional learning. they include intensive case management for people with complex behavioral health symptoms and re-entry case management forepeoplfor people g help. we regionalle launched a distrin programme and this includes medication distribution and monitoring and access to injectable medications that may work better for people who have difficulty with medication protocol. there's a monthly calendar that includes about 27 different classes and they focus on the kneneeds of trans manufacture wn an