is this an authentic african-american religion, or it's just african-american life, or it's an african-american religious experience? to what extent does that white presence, especially in the leadership role, change the experience? i guess i'm asking. >> we can actually -- father pfleger, right? we can in chicago, right? so part of what i'm trying to do by troubling the category is to say that it's precisely those sorts of experiences, those sorts of inconstitutional realities that complicate some of the hidden assumptions about african-american religion because what we're trying to do at that moment is to kind of fit it into kind of a prior understanding of what an african-american religious life actually entails. so with when we look at the complexity of african-american religious life we're going to see that. right? now, what is at work on the part of the historian or the cultural critic to try to fit it into a category of african-american religion? is what i'm trying to interrogate. i'm trying to push. and what gets lost in that moment when we have to ask ourselves, is it that, or is it no

it was here in this remarkable period, a quarter of the bar was african-american. these men came from the ranks of the union army, the american missionary association and the friedman's bureau agents, at least initially. jonathan jasper wright, who read law in pennsylvania, came first, as a missionary. then became a friedman's bureau agent. as an agenda, he was charged with resolving disputes and educating the freed people, particularly in bureauford county. in his role as an agent, in 1867 alone, he heard 300 cases. most of these cases were between community folks fighting over debts, livestock, crops, family issues, but some were against white planters who were mistreating the workers d wright was vigilant in seeking compensation for those workers. the pro voice courts, when the friedman's bureau of courts closed in 17867, the military's provost courts became the venue for resolving disputes. it was here that ex-union soldier william j. whipper, a native of pennsylvania who had studied law in detroit, first practiced. his first recorded case was in the summer of 1

and empowering our african-american families and students cooperating the wrap around for the african-american students and insuring the african-american get will responsive relation reduce instruction as a reminder we have a will k through 12 indicators as part of african-american achievement initiative i know there will be updated refreshed figures to the superintendent evaluation i wanted to share that the initiative does track k through 12 indicators for all our sfusd departments take responsibility for . >> so for our purposes tonight we want to give a briefly now we're at the end of this academic year as the major bodies of work part of african-american chuchltd and leadership initiative and start with our community engagement and our support of parents leadership in the district so one of the requirements of the african-american choucht and leadership resolution was the idea of formation of an african-american community council one of the things we wanted to share provide an update on while there's no new tables set for african-american council one of our priorities has been to work wit

is this an authentic african-american religion, or it's just african-american life, or it's an african-american religious experience? to what extent does that white presence, especially in the leadership role, change the experience? [inaudible] eddie: we can concretize that. do byf what i'm trying to troubling the category is saying it's precisely those sorts of experiences, those sorts of institutional realities that complicate some of the hidden assumptions about african-american religions. what were trying to do at that moment, were trying to fit it into a prior understanding of what an african-american religious life entails. we look at the complexity of african-american religious life, we are going to see that. work on the part of the historian, to try to fit it into a category of african-american religion? moment,s lost in that when we have to ask ourselves, is it that or is it not, as opposed to looking at the experiences themselves and what's going on and what's happening? what is the father doing with this? instead, we are trying to fit it into something called african-american religio

it was a majority african-american population, and their districts are majority african-american. so there is support for a black candidate. elliott is a wonderful orator, and he is one of those people who invented himself as he went along. you get the sense he was a true character. he had a great classical education. he came up after reconstruction. worked on a newspaper. he had a journalism background. many lives up to the state state assembly. he comes into the house for two terms in the early 1870's. he is one of the men who comes up to the floor and talks about the importance of passing the 1875 civil rights bill and gives some speeches that are picked up in the northern press. and they just swoon over him. in one of the speeches, he actually has a point counterpoint debate with alexander stevens, the former confederate vice president, who by that point had come back to the house. and elliott just blows him out of the water. he is so respected and such an ally of senator charles sumner, that when sumner passes, shortly before his bill moves through the house and senate, ellio

i think much of the exciting work establish an african american has focused on the 20th century. and we pay less attention to the earlier history of black americans engaged beyond the united states. that is not the say the historians of the 18th and 19th centuries can ignore international angles to their work. there is something inherent in the term african-american history that is at the very least transnational. and scholars have spent a great deal of time exploring the relationships between the cultures of people of the west and west central africa and the cultures of the enslaved in america. slavery institutions soft to constrain the worlds of this -- of the enslaved. all involving questions that would trend toward a regional perspective. anti-slavery had been an obvious exception. historians recognize the link between the british and anti-slavery movement, and they have traced the roles black abolitionists played in the struggles. even hear internationalization was part of the study that was understood, a peculiar interest to african americans asked african-american, rather t

but showed a lack of enthusiasm using the same force when it came to protecting the rights of african-americans. a pretty sharp indictment of the american people, the american system. reflected perhaps reconstruction had been a mistake along, that the restoration of civil government had been a mistake. it had been better to have a prolonged federal occupation. way would be the only african-americans would have their rights protected, at the point of a bayonet since they were being denied by a hood and a noose. perhaps this was the wrong way of going about things. since we have given blacks to vote we must honor that pledge. maybe it would have been better to not allow anyone to vote. but the mind of the american people is against that. it is hostile to military government. we don't want that. we want a restoration of the union and civil government even if that civil government ends up not protecting the rights of some citizens. returning to the united states grant became a candidate for a third term, lost the republican .omination after many ballots those brokered conventions we heard about. it

that there were african-american police officers, african-american elected officials, and an african-american national guard unit, and there was no way that these pinkerton detectives were going to take the african-american editor of the newspaper of that community anywhere. the pinkertons were toso frighten bed thees incurrenter the put ed wright on the payroll for several decades until he passed away. i think it's a great incident to bring up because it shows the strength of chicago community that the chicago community really was behind this newspaper in a way that i don't think you would find in another community. >> i brought it up because i think it also shows how "the defender" selected their news coverage, and kind of did two things. illustrates the fears and the concerns that african-americans in the south had, like the grandfather who decided to flee, and those concerns were very real and very much alive. so they were able to -- that only just gives voice it to but put it in a context for african-americans. so, thank you for sharing that story. >> sure. >> natalie in your book, you t

as an african-american. as a black man.lack man's rally as look at my african-american. how does that make you feel? does it bother you at all? >> no, it doesn't bother me at all. because i know donald trump, and i know his -- well, i know him better than a lot of other people do. i really believe he was utilizing that as a term of endearment. he's trying to learn to be more politically correct and use the politically correct terms. and america has never been this sensitive before. i mean, this entire country is walking on egg shells. and i believe it's indicative of the racial climate of this country. that everybody is walking on egg shells. i mean, to be honest, erin, in my lifetime, we've been politically correct terms for us when i was child. we were colored and then from there we were negroes and then james brown sang a song saying say it loud i'm black and proud. and then people of color and now african-americans. so i believe what people are trying to say is racial for donald trump. it's not racial. it's cultural. an

in the african-american community it's much worse. additionally the african-american community still suffers from fear of the stigma of a mental health diagnosis, in part stemming from the deep mistrust of the system that has misdiagnosed and mistreated them for centuries. the limited community access for evaluation and treatment puts eople at risk for severe

african-americans are infected with h.i.v. at a rate eight times that of white americans. while white women are more likely to have breast cancer, african-american women are 40% more likely to die from the disease. african-americans, latinos, asians, and pacific islanders, as well as native americans are diagnosed with lupus two to three times more frequently than caucasians. more than 13% of african-americans age 20 or older have diagnosed diabetes. and people of color are two to four times more likely than whites to reach end stage renal disease this grim snapshot illustrates that despite the gains we have made since the days of ben franklin and the a.c.a., there is still much ground to cover in closing the health equality gap. last year, i drafted a comprehensive report, the keller report on health disparity, an official congressional analysis of the state of minority health in the u.s., that offers a blueprint for reversing negative health trends in community of -- communities of color. it brought members of congress together, and mick health thought leaders to examine

as african-americans rather than to be part of an effort to be a part of the perspective that black americans brought to questions that encompassed that extended beyond racial issues. there is, i'm suggesting, a difference between douglas's heroic efforts traveling to england it fight to abolish slavery, and hutton's participate in the peace movement of world war i or interest in disarmament. of course that difference is not, and i want to emphasize this, is not the one with more or less progressive or more or less admirable. it is instead the studies of african-american internationalism in the 20th century or more than likely the studies of trans atlantic anti-slavery in the 19th to look at the way a commitment to racial equality filled into struggles that were tran general shl struggles of transgression. i posted on the website speaking to the preemancipation era and 20th century african-american history. it is also about 1300 men and women, most of whom were born into slavery in british colonial north america. the american revolution offered them a pathway it freedom. not on the s

we have got to put more capital into the communities where african-americans live, give african-americanpreneurs access to capital. that comes in the lending from the banking institutions and others. those are the kind of things from a business standpoint. social programs and policies work to give the so-called safety net, but if you want productivity, it is an economic model. david: steve, he took us right to your doorstep. you are a banker. what is your experience in california? steve: the issues bob is talking about are pervasive in california. it is not just african-americans, it is small business owners and latinos. we have seen the evaporation of tens of billions of dollars of lending and capital access for small businesses, consumers, and entrepreneurs. if you look at california today, the fastest growing entrepreneur starting new businesses and creating new jobs are latinos and female businesses. they are starting from the ground up with small businesses. the problem is the traditional sources of banking, a lot of them cratered during the financial recession and the capital dried

this african-american, he called him by african-american. if he ended that in my african-american supporter, i still think it's inartful and not a good way to word it. i think it's a cheap shot. >> cheap shot by whom? jeff flake, the republican, a senator from arizona is picking a point here or is he hearing something he knows the problematic to african-americans. you don't think it's a problem? it's something somebody is picking on? >> if the result from these two statements about referring to african-americans in the audience is somehow like he is racist against african-americans is too far. i think that the wording he chose can allow people to mock him and in conjunction to what he said about this judge which was also a disparaging comment that i think a lot of people have been offended by and was a terrible comment. they're trying to push this together and say he's unacceptable on racial terms. i think that's unfair. >> let me go to colleen. take some time and tell me what you think. if we didn't have this background noise in our hand, p

it was the birthplace of american democracy, to see the conditions of african americas. -- americans. remember here, dubois is doing the hard, nitty-gritty work, asking questions, surveying. another question we will look at teddy's corner, the struggles of a person in one neighborhood. that the boy went to -- dubois went to. i am trying to find about why so many african-americans were forced out. the problem is, the city government and the people that keep the statistics have no systematic way of keeping it. it is a most like they did not care. so many african-americans being forced out and cities changed so much. people deprived of justification get in some ways are happy with it, because it creates a neighborhood where there are more familiar faces, but what about people who are been forced out? dubois was the first to look at that. education, economics. people talk about poverty. we have poverty in washington dc . you have a kid who is 13, or we will say six or seven and your she is behind because they could not go to preschool. why don't they have these opportunities? maybe they a

our community and it was really important that we acknowledge not only his commitment to the african-american art and cultural complex but we acknowledge his doesn't the to the city and county of san francisco so for everybody who visits the african-american art and cultural complex on a regular basis whether an events, a program whether a class we always look forward to seeing earl he know if there's a problem he is the one that to go to solve and earl i'll talk about our history it is important not to talk about how old you are but. >> that's okay too. >> to talk about how far you've come born in chicago earl moved to san francisco in 1942 as as young child and want to galileo high school and after graduation from gunshot to city college of san francisco earl entered into the graphic arts in 1958 a graphic designer for protecting coal advertising agency from 1968 to 1988 owning and operating his own company called black and white and montgomery street in the financial district during this time earned a jazz club on bayshore boulevard and leeland avenue called he hoe lounge people come to th

, there were african-american police officers, african-american elected officials, and an african-american national guard unit, there was no way these pinkerton detectives would take the african-american editor of the newspaper of that community anywhere in the pinkertons were so frightened by this encounter is that they put it right on the payroll for the next several decades until he passed away. i think it is a great incident to bring up because it does show the strength of the chicago community, that the chicago community was behind this newspaper in a way that i don't think you would find in another community. >> i think it also shows how the defender selected their news coverage. they did two things, illustrate the fear and concerns african-americans in the south had like natalie's grandfather who decided to flee and those concerns were very real and alive so they were able to not only give voice to it but put it in context for african-americans so thank you for sharing that story. natalie, in your book, you touch upon what even talked about, the power of the black community, having

covering this spectrum of african-american military service. it is misplaced by the world wars and someone, but it really lingers as a moment of symbolic importance. it goes beyond really things like casualties and who fired the last shot. >> your able to incorporate [indiscernible] >> thank you very much. elizabeth varon: oh, my pleasure. [applause] those of you would have seen the case [indiscernible] words.ake liz eat her [laughter] [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2016] >> on history bookshelf, here from the country's best-known american history writers of the past decade every saturday at 4:00 p.m. eastern. and you can watch any of our programs at any time when you visit our website c-span.org/history. you are watching "american history tv," all weekend every weekend on c-span3. citizens have got to feel that their vote matters, that their voice matters, and whether they can not spare a

he started putting together exhibits of the achievements of african-americans. 500 photographs and many pictures of scientific progress of africans. as he is there at the paris exposition, he wears the clothes he had worn in germany, top hat, three-piece suit, vest, pocket watch, pocket square, very much the victorian. as he is there, he uses the series to contradict and chastise and criticize --, which we have spoken about. we have spoken of the cotton states exhibit a couple years before and the famous saying, cast down your bucket where you are, cast down your bucket. pick it up, your hands can operate in two ways. in all things economic, they can be as one, but in all things social, they will be separately the five fingers. thing know there is no like separate but equal. we was bigoted about it, -- we will speak a bit about it, more on the paris exhibit. his903, he publishes magisterial work called the ofgro bible, magic souls black folks." he becomes the permanent desk preeminent voice. he writes for dial magazine and atlanta monthly. as you look in the book, you can see he does so

deeply, but we now have this explosion in terms of international history, internationalism in african-american history. these studies build on the work of scholars to understand their struggle for freedom as one connected to the struggle -- a term in common use in the early 20th century, including all african people, asians and other groups and people of color. women and the poor had to fight to create visions of transnational resistance that the not relegate them to the shadows. this is a very interesting year -- european powers partitioned africa. it is in 1896 where they defeated the italian government. women's clubs were formed in 1896 as well. international perspective became part of the naacp. by 1920, mary margaret washington along with many of these women had founded the international council of women of the darker races. these early beginnings flourished into robust activity among women who combined their concern with racial discrimination with the well-being of women. these women were undoubtedly elite and well educated, deeply committed to action on behalf of the darker races. it wa

the astonishing low rate of african-american admissions. the area has a very popular african-american population. the university does not. student: let's go back to the monument not carrying the same message that it did before. when you just said that they're, you know, excuse me i started thinking about downtown athens guard thatal fair was turning away people because of their race. to me i associate that monument with people like that and to me it's still carries it. prof. nesbit: ok. so what we were talking about, maybe because we're not neo confederates, maybe the monument is reinterpreted. and maybe there is more continuity than what we want to hope for. between the antebellum, jim crow era. and today's athens and university of georgia. it could be. student: and this thing i have with recontexturalizing. name.e, i forgot his arthur -- prof. nesbit: arthur ashe. have our memorial here. we have the other one near the theater. to me that's still divided you still have two sides. symbolically to me -- prof. nesbit: ok. so that's really goo

he received 73% of the asian american vote but 93% of the african american vote. - right. - the african american vote has been much more so than white, or latino or asian american monolithic politically. - right. - has that served the black community well? - that's an interesting question. did you see the saturday night live skit when they're interviewing a black woman saying what would it take for you not to vote for barack obama? - yes, yes, yes, yes. - and then they go like. what if he became jewish? they said shalom, barack. - exactly. (everyone laughs) - adjust your yamaka. (both laugh) - yeah, right. - two interesting questions, ken and i, ken burns and i had dinner last night. - ken burns has another series on pbs soon. - [dr. gates] that's right about jackie robinson. - about jackie robinson which he says is as much a race, or more a raced film than a baseball film. - it's true and you know much of ken's work. - [evan] deals with race. - the subtext is race without a doubt. but i remember vividly, i was 10 years old when jfk and nixon squared off. - [evan] yes. - and my parents

then at a rally, he pointed out african-american support saying look at my african-american there. jason carroll mentioned his chief spokesperson said no ill will was intended. certainly something to discuss with the panel. democratic strategist, and "the new york times" correspondent jonathan mart en, political anchorer obviously lewis, antares, and kayleigh mcenany. how deeply are we in uncharted waters. >> pretty deep. a few issues. first the issue of racial politics. this is a country where race is the original sin, you have a candidate for president of the united states playing on dangerous ground talking about the racial heritage of a federal judge. >> this is not a one off comment. >> sure, this is now at least a week long. but this isn't the first time trump has dealt on racial terrain, talking rubio, cruz, talking about there's not a cubans or evangelicals going to salt lake city, questioning romney's faith, race is staple of the trump campaign. this is not new. the other issue is, you know, you have the presidency and the judiciary, and powers are separate. trump is talki

whether he was right, whether he was wrong, it was a tremendous example for african american kids, as well as white kids, as well as all americans when you look back at it. lot of truth is only brought up after a loss. he was not afraid to stand alone and do what he did and he gained a lot of respect for doing that. >> john, how would you describe muhammad ali's journey from being distrusted in some places despiesed, to moving into total acceptance and agilation from not only the african american community, but the entire country and then the globe? >> well, it was a tough journey, i think. a lot of people -- and i think you elude d to it. and what i've seen you do behind closed doors to help people. and ali did something when he had something to lose. he didn't wait until he retired or resigned. and that cost him economically. it cost him as far as public perception was concerned. i think that made it more significant, as i indicated. it made some people who loved him question what he was getting ready to do. i think that alone shows what the man was. he wasn't just i'm floating like

students in/78 and many sfusd african-american students and families require high services that address the attention and social and emotional wellness and stability there is continued evidence with the african-american for special education services from pre k to 12 grade i'd like to see actually that some of the ongoing priorities i think actual address some of the needs what are the hard recommendations for those things this is the foundation the we don't change this not having the outcomes we want for our own oversight committee your acknowledging this in that so what are the recommendations for change what are the recommendations if our budget for the change in the ongoing plan for this so i see that i love there is a african-american parents group and as you may know i wrote the recess for the restorative practices and glad to see that we don't get to the foundation the actual - those ongoing structural needs this is where i think that diane gray said that well, we want to get to the core of it we want the rot causes actually, we want to get to the system change that is going to c

we had 22 african-americans served between 1870 and 1901. 20 in the house, two in the senate. it has to do with the role of congress during the civil war, and in the decade after. during the civil war, there was a group of radicals in congress, radicals because they believed in the equality of african-americans, and wanted to create a society in the south after the war that was a multiracial society. these were radicals in the house like thaddeus stevens, the chairman of the ways and means committee. a very powerful leader. also people like henry winter davis, eliza washburn. in the senate, people like charles sumner and benjamin wade. and they really drove the agenda and pushed the lincoln administration not only to prosecute the war more vigorously, but to have a reconstruction after a war that was not so lenient toward southern states and was going to ensure that political rights were extended to african-americans. ms. elloitt: the war ends in 1865. i have you get to be first african-american members of congress? it does not happen right that day.

to put more capital into the communities were african-americans live, give african-american entrepreneursore access to capital. those of the kind of things from a business standpoint. social programs and policies work to give the so-called safety net but if you want productivity, it is an economic model. david: steve, it took us right to your doorstep. you are a banker. what is your experience in california? the issues bob is talking about are pervasive in california. it is not just african-americans, it is small business owners and latinos. we have seen the evaporation of tens of billions of dollars of lending and capital access for small businesses, consumers, and entrepreneurs. if you look at california today, the fastest growing entrepreneur starting new businesses and creating new jobs are latinos and female businesses. they are starting from the ground up with small businesses. the problem is the traditional sources of thinking, a lot of them cratered during the financial recession and the capital dried up so we have a real structural problem today with insufficient access to capita

he hailed from a prominent virginia free african-american family. his maternal grandmother -- great uncle, excuse me, was one of the most influential black american politicians of the 19th century. john mercer langston who would go on to represent virginia in the house in the 51st congress. there is an asymmetry that links the stories of frank mitchell and alfred howell. just like mitchell who arrived in 1965, powell arrived during the republican-controlled house, radical controlled republican house. amid a contentious debate on the eve of the passing of the force act of 1871, also known as the ku klux klan act, which empowered the president to use federal troops to break up the clan and imposed harsh penalties for those that interfered. first day as a page, notable members -- the first african-american to serve in the house, he delivered speeches on the floor attesting to violations against the 14th amendment rights of the constituents. in that sense, picking provided a common experience for two teenage african-american boys who, separated by nearly

how can we continue to make genuine solidarity between african-americans communities and african communities? >> i don't know. i'm going to disappoint on that question. i'm not sure. i have spent my time studying really specific things. the african-american experience in this country is multiple layered and it's very hard to have any sort of general expertise. you can have some knowledge that's in specific in areas. he's not talking about the diaspra you know and it becomes even that much harder. the question like i immediately solidarity with the veal pens in solidarity with south africans? donna hasbrouck remer african-americans can go there and get citizenship. is there some sort of different relationship there? can we generalize it and that rod sort of way? that doesn't solve the question at all. but i think it's one that requires study. it requires study from me. it will require more than i know to intelligently answer. >> this questioner says i'm not sure if you know the history of this neighborhood. many poor people of color were displaced to make this area beautiful and safe enough f

and it was time for african-americans to be appreciated for who they were. >> i wanted to ask you, what about his conversion? what americans perceived mohammed ali? >> america had a full perception of islam but most americans had a poor perception of anything that wasn't like them. baptists dislike catholics. today, you had a mormon speaker. most would've thought that he was a demagogue. at the time he converted. other religions and other faiths , hoping to get out of the repression. ali converted. he was not a fanatic. he saw the world. islam was one of the largest religions in the world. you must remember that he used his belief and his faith to condemn those we believe misrepresent you. they destroy countries and people and buildings. perhaps one of his greatest contributions to the world. >> we appreciate you taking the time to talk with us. professor jackson, thank you very much. now to the battle for falluja. concerns are growing for the civilians inside the iraqi city as government forces backed by shiite militias battle so-called the islamic state. the residents are being subjec

are african americans better off eight years after barack obama? guest: that is a complicated question. on one hand, we all as americans have benefited from the huge intelligence and very eloquent tongue of this remarkable human being who has come up on the american scene. he bailed out the banks. he straightened the economy out. he offered universal health care. he bailed out the automobile all in the first two years big he has been the victim of opposition from the republican and far right wing. the vicious intimidation unleashed under the presidency of the first black president is lamentable and remarkable. on the other hand, i think the president has been slow to send the bully pulpit to speak about race. i would not blame barack obama for the rise of donald trump. it happens to be a sad and tragic coincidence that his failure to necessarily man the pulpit to speak articulately about race in the way he is capable of doing coincided with the rise of i think racial demagoguery on the far right apotheosis is donald trump and his campaign. i think e

so, it was not devoid of admits who were hispanic or african-american. it was producing 15%, marginal increase out of race, if you try to measure it, was very small. and i could think of reasons for that. so, they couldn't put that in. they denied you could ever identify those students, so it would be a fruitless pursuit, unless they completely change everything they said before. >> could you associate a number with the very small? i guess it would be the number of students who were admitted with the consideration of race who were not also -- >> correct. that would be the measurement. there's no perfect answer to that when the university says, they can't identify them. we looked at the historic period in which they were using the pai without reference to race. and compared that to the percentage admitted of the total student body of those admits in the period when they were using race and they compare -- it was about a 2.5% difference. it's very small. >> 2.5% difference in entering class numbers or number of minorities admitted. >> number of minorities

garre: 272 african-americans out of a class of 8000. that is glaring racial isolation. university texas concluded that was unacceptable. if we need more evidence on why having 90% of our classrooms with zero or one afternoon american -- justice roberts: what unique perspective does a minority student bring to a physics class? i am wondering what the benefits of diversity are in that situation. mr. garre: we can talk about different classes but this court has accepted in bakke, grutter, and fisher one, that diversity is a compelling interest. our friends do not ask our friends -- -- this court to overrule. that is a character of the university's interest. justice scalia: that is a caricature -- caricature of the argument you're making. mr. garre: classroom diversity was one aspect that the university looked too. the university has been hit by both sides. maybe that is fair in light of the strict scrutiny. we are going to look to prove the way in which diversity is lacking. something,i point to our friend seizes on it and says that is your objective. our objective is the e

him, quote, my african-american.'s watch. >> we had a case where we had an african-american guy who was a fan of mine, great fan, great guy. in fact, i want to find out what's going on with him. look at my african-american over here. look at him. are you the greatest? >> well, the man trump was pointing to was gregory who is running for the united states congress in the northern most district in california. he joins me now. thank you so much for joining us, gregory. give me a sense of how you reacted to the trump phenomenon and the language he used there? >> the whole thing, i don't know if i'm living in a dream or a nightmare. redding is a very community-oriented city. we have large events. we have fun in redding. and now this thing has just blown up to be -- it's taken on a life of its own. while that happened, i had never felt offended, especially when he added that part at the end. aren't you the greatest? i still take no offense to it. >> what do you make of the language though? my african-american, what do you

marshall of the army was so concerned about the propaganda being used against the north that african-american soldiers have been let loose and were raping white women that he wanted to make a point after a in african man who made violence against a white woman. .e went to such great lengths the confederates to not know what they were doing. white union soldiers were killed. they explained to the confederates that this was a black soldier convicted of rape. he choreographed this to the very end ringing into cool photographers. in twoging photographers. it is taken of johnson on the scaffold. was on harper's weekly. it was a huge picture and it was in the public discourse. they were not hiding it and it completely backfired for patrick. intenselyt this very and there is only one small article about this in the confederate papers. >> some slaves who ran away came to patrick and said when they were on the scaffolding the confederates pointed across the line and said to the slaves this is what the yankees due to slaves. this is what they do to african-americans. patrick's attempt to send a the pub

that document you see there is a certificate of freedom that african-americans -- free african-americans in illinois had to have proof they were free. if you are from another state and were african-american -- if you were from another state and were african-american, and you were free, you had to have proof or you could only stay 10 days or you were fined. curtis, an abolitionist throughout the civil war era, rejoiced in "harpers weekly," this is a test which everybody can understand, which most people will prove, but to make it dependent on complexion is as wise as to rest upon the color of the hair or the breath of the shoulder. the monstrous objection of the country to the prejudice against color is not, as many who are under it and floyd suppose, a natural instinct. it is only the natural result of the system which arbitrarily and forcibly makes color dramatic of servitude." he was obviously the vanguard. he was not the only one. you have individual states and cities trying to desegregate public services. pennsylvania passes a law in 1867, desegregating streetcars. cleveland and chic

we have got to put more capital into the communities where african-americans live, give african-americaneurs more access to capital. that comes in the lending from the banking institutions and others. those are the kind of things from a business standpoint. social programs and policies work to give the so-called safety net, but if you want productivity, it is an economic model. david: steve, he took us right to your doorstep. you are a banker. what is your experience in california? steve: the issues bob is talking about are pervasive in california. it is not just african-americans, it is small business owners and latinos. we have seen the evaporation of tens of billions of dollars of lending and capital access for small businesses, consumers, and entrepreneurs. if you look at california today, the fastest growing entrepreneur starting new businesses and creating new jobs are latinos and female businesses. they are starting from the ground up with small businesses. the problem is the traditional sources of banking a lot of them , cratered during the financial recession and the capital dri

he hailed from a prominent virginia free african-american family. his maternal grandmother -- great uncle, excuse me, was one of the most influential black american politicians of the 19th century. john mercer langston who would go on to represent virginia in the house in the 51st congress. linksis an asymmetry that the stories of frank mitchell and offered powell -- alfred powell. just like mitchell who arrived in 1965, powell arrived during the republican-controlled house, republicantrolled house. amid a contentious debate on the rce of the passing of the fo act of it and one, the two clubs plan acts -- ku klux klan act. on his first day as a page, notable african-american members such as robert elliott and joseph rainey, both of south carolina, brady was the first african-american to serve in the house, he delivered speeches on the floor attesting to violations against the 14th amendment rights of the constituents. in that sense, picking provided a common experience for two teenage african-american boys who, separated by nearly a the houseitnesse

power and whitepower in a way that supremacists living american nations today have used against african-americansagainst native americans, used against people of color, women, so i think when we see people like malcolm x. and even martin ,uther king jr. by 1967 standing under a poster that says black is beautiful and it is beautiful to be black, and using it in our dictionaries, vocabularies, everything that is black is bad and white is good, but these are considerations philosophically, right, the philosophical knowledge the city western civilization has always denigrated that term black and it is connected to the transatlantic slave trade, colonialism, but what i think is so important is that black power activist to finally resisted efforts by white people and the ownould define movement. the movement was about radical, political and cultural self-determination, so i think it is extraordinary when we think about so many people like ali, stokely, michael, angela davis, all of these black power icons but also the ordinary activists, we had religious leaders, black prisoners and those who were inc

look at my african american over here. look at him. >> larry: my african american?e now. my african american. >> his game of where's waldo. >> like it was hard to find him. >> larry: does he think you're his black friend? >> oh not after tonight. >> larry: let me ask you this if trump said i am coming out for reparation for black people and all you guys -- i'm -- see, look at your face. i'm writing everybody a $25,000 check and i get to say [bleep]. that's right. who's voting for me now? >> for $25,000 you can't call me [bleep]. >> larry: ok, he can't call you that but are you voting for him? >> not for $25,000. for me to vote for him he's got to do like a kool-aid commercial or something and i'll be like i'm thinking. for me to vote for him because i'm the reparations dude. i've been begging for that. >> larry: so it's a matter of price. >> here's what it is if he gave $25,000 and like we said free college for blacks it depends -- i got to see. >> larry: let me just say two words. sell out. >> if you live in the new york city area or planning to visit grab free tic

african-americans african-americans and there was a sense that legislators needed to balance -- that large yes or whatever you whatnot to -- you want to call it and to keep people in control and the unrest around the country to keep that under -- >> even before the first wave of unrest began in harlem, brooklyn, chicago, philadelphia, kennedy administration began to worry about the kind of demographic changes that american cities had witnessed in the post war period so cities like detroit, cleveland, were about a third africa by that time, d.c. had come into a black majority, and policymakers and social scientists were very concerned about groups of black youth being labeled a social dynamite. they worried they would explode into rebeln 0 -- the programs were to quell the social dynamite before the explode but in the absence of concrete structural changes those upridings, the riots happened. so when johnson called the war on crime, a week later he signs the voting rights act. so this is property of the same policy package, an attempt to improve american society and it's a carrot and

okay. >> look at my african-american. i love that. >> but -- >> what is wrong with that. >> inclusive. >> he sits in a board room, why is my vp marketing, where is my african-american -- >> yes, the number of them. i need to find my one. >> well -- >> he was referring to a specific individual. >> well, have you seen the big shot of the rally? i think there only was one? >> i'm with tony, he was doing a shout-out, he was shouting out to his home boy. >> and then his mike dropped. >> that bothered me, i'll be honest. >> it was the first time in this campaign that donald trump attempted to be politically correct and it backfired. >> i was shocked, because i would be like where is my black? >> it was in there -- >> like crooked hillary. >> and it was in context, he was talking about all the support he is getting in his rallies from african-american. >> that is made up. >> there, so -- is there an egg more precious than a pigeon egg? a man discovered two eggs sitting in a nest and he had to have them. i'm sure he was able to p

the national medical association is the oldest and largest medical association a primarily african-american physicians in 1895. thank you for being with us. you for the invitation. we have addressed in equities and health care throughout its history, especially at they have affected the african-american

calling him my african-american. his campaign managers have said there was no racial undertone to this statement and that trump is grateful for his african-american supporters. trump will also spend the week campaigning in california ahead of tuesday the june 7th primary. voter turnout on tuesday is expected to be huge in california. 650,000 people registered to vote and that's just in the last 45 days alone. nearly 18 million residents are registered to vote in this primary. across party lines 500,000 new democrats have registered to vote and republicans also saw gains with 136,000 new voter registrations since may. >>> the fbi investigation into hillary clinton's private e- mail server may soon be wrapping up. but now there's word a key figure in the investigation is trying to postpone a deposition he planned to give regarding his work for then secretary clinton. garrett tenny has the details. >> reporter: our viewers will likely remember brian bag la owe, the former -- bag la know. he set up hillary clinton's priv