well, you imagine at the time you have free african-americans who align with enslaved african-americans. again, a collective voice fighting for freedom. but they're fighting for freedom in a nation founded on liberty but still maintaining slavery. directly behind me you see the cast figures of benjamin banneker and thomas jefferson. this is a platform featured in the exhibition where we really unpack that story of voices of freedom. included on that platform in addition to jefferson and banneker are tusaut momutour. she actually petitioned for her freedom in massachusetts and won, as well as phyllis wheatley, all voices of freedom. what's very powerful to me about the connections between banneker and jefferson includes banneker sending his almanac to thomas jefferson and stating in fact african-americans are brilliant, they are human, they contribute to the development of this nation and deserve to be free. excuse me if i paraphrase, but thomas jefferson essentially said you are the exception, and freedom was not going to come during his particular time in life. so now why don't we go f

african-americans served in congress. thousands of african-americans held the critically important local offices like sheriffs or school board member or local county counselor. the political power of southern blacks were short-lived. even when they were in power whites eventually succeeded in suppressing black voting which in turn allowed democrats to redeem the southern states from republican rule. ulysses s. grant occasionally authorized military intervention to suppress electoral violence but in the fall of 1875, the administration made an explicit calculation that further such military intervention which , would've been necessary to save mississippi from redemption would alienate too many northern , votes and would specifically cost republicans the governorship and perhaps the electoral college votes of ohio in 1875 and 1876. constraint,xternal southern whites were willing to do whatever was necessary to regain public power. like betting in the south was reduced -- black voting was theced but did not end with fall of

jose anderson: you had a group of african-american professionals, a group of african-american creativeom which houston and marshall could draw encouragement from the whole post-harlem renaissance era, and so that community actually helped to energize momentum for the legal campaign across the entire country. jose anderson: new york was an exciting place to be the headquarters for the campaign. in fact new york had plenty of race issues of its own. thurgood marshall: after a riot would break in harlem a code number would go out to all policemen in the 123rd street precinct - that's right in the middle of harlem. in the meantime all of the white policemen in harlem, where the riot is going on, just stand perfectly still. and don't use a weapon, don't use a gun, just stand there until you're replaced. and then these guys go out in these other cars, and the colored fella taps the white fella on the shoulder, he gets in the car. and it about, well less than an hour, there are all black cops there. so where is the race riot? the race riot is gone. and then walter white, roy wilkins and i wou

weekly earnings for african-americans up nearly 2%. home ownership among african-americans has kicked up to 42%. given the success of trump's policies for black america and the left's tragic record, they have decided to demonize the president as a racist. it's all they have. disturbing durbin went so far as to claim as the president was racist for using the term chain migration. >> when it came to the issue of chain migration, i said to the president, do you realize how painful that term is to so many people? african-americans believed that they migrated to america in chains and when you speak about chain migration it hurts them personally. >> laura: while, then we found this. >> the dream act would not allow what is known as chain migration. in fact, dream act students would have very limited ability to sponsor their family members. >> laura: one trump uses it is racist, when he was is that just descriptive. incidentally, lindsey graham, was supposedly upgraded the president for calling certain companies s-holes, had no qualms using h

that the african-american unemployment rate in essence, taking credit for the african-american unemploymentate dropping when it has only dropped 1-point-something percent under him and dropped, what, 8, 9 points under barack obama. >> if he was going to be the worst american president for african-americans -- >> he has been. >> the unemployment's continued to go down, the lowest in history. if you're looking for a job, things are -- things are getting better, not worse. that is a fact. >> actually -- actually, if you want to talk about it, you have a ton of people dropping out of the labor market, the labor market is shrinking. i want to talk about something more important on national tv. if republican wants to do something for african-americans, people of color in this country, we can address that we don't have generational wealth. cnn did a study not that long ago where it showed that if -- >> kaiser foundation in conjunction with the kaiser foundation. >> in conjunction with the kaiser foundation, if african-americans were able to make the same amount of money as their white counterparts

in many communities african-americans were the majority. ways, apex, and in some the most radical idea that got implemented during reconstruction is the right to vote, and we need to understand in a moment when so many people get to vote -- it is dramatically about reconstruction and that is a crucial moment. was followed by an act in 1870 that said that states cannot discriminate voting on the basis of race. with all of that, are we still battling the civil war? are we still fighting that war? idol think we are exactly fighting the civil war. but some of the same conflict in thevided americans 19th century continued to be with us. it's no surprise, and away, we would still be talking about the legacies of slavery, the inacies of racial inequality all different areas of life or the role of the federal government or the way that we have different regions in one big nation. havehese are things that divided people around the civil war. host: what was president grant's role in all of this? dr. masur: grant was very committed to the reconstructi

i think it's a very painful subject for african-americans. i cannot speak for all african-americans, but i am assuming that it is painful and i do know that most of the -- a tremendous amount of interest in the civil rights era, the second civil rights era, the point at which people began to have action and move -- although people are moving during this time as well, i just think it is a painful thing, to talk about or discuss matters that are in your family, the subject of painful memories and so forth. i think it's necessary for people to be involved in history and in this period as well. i think it is really tough. i don't want to say too soon. is it too soon? >> 150 years? >> armed this joke when they about what he thought about the french revolution, he said it is too soon to tell 150 years in terms of history is not a long time, that's a blink of an eye. i think a lot of it -- they worry about how it's going to be received. this may be a tangent. i was leaving charlottesville one day and i looked over and saw a bunch of people in gray u

african-americans -- racial equality. african-americans protested in order to gain equal access to public accommodations in such theaters, hotels, restaurants, and transportation on buses, trains, and planes. civil rights organizations filed lawsuits against state and local governments to remove the emblematic jim crow white/colored signs from public parks and facilities dismantling the separate entrances to buildings and inequalities in the environment. though, in some cases, shadows past remain.lized demands for black political empowerment convinced the federal government to end the measures and secure black voting rights in the south. -- black-owned the african-american church housed the modern movement, provided most of the leadership and supporters, and nurtured a tradition of resistance to white supremacy that began in slavery activismnues through such as black lives matter. demonstrating criteria three, testimony to cultural tradition, the modern movement challenged exceptionalism and privilege with a counter narra

african-american men. though it wasn't until 1965 that the amendment became a reality for most black voters. american history tv, from a symposium entitled in franchising of quality, 115 amendment,e 15th they discussed the flaws and exportation of african american by both republican and democratic parties. the university of the south in sewanee, tennessee host to the daylong symposium. this is about 30 minutes. >> he received his jd from stanford law school and a legal history from the university of oxford, where he was a marshall scholar. after law school, he clerked for the honorable ruth bader ginsburg on the united states court of appeals for the d.c. s served at he ha of law, thety stanford law school commented yale law. he has won numerous awards for his teaching and scholarship, which concentrate on constitutional law and history. his first book from jim crow to civil rights, the supreme court and the struggle for racial equality received the 2005 bancroft prize in history. in 2007 he published two

african-americans -- racial equality. african-americans protested in order to gain equal access to public accommodations in such theaters, hotels, restaurants, and transportation on buses, trains, and planes. civil rights organizations filed lawsuits against state and local governments to remove the emblematic jim crow white/colored signs from public parks and facilities dismantling the separate entrances to buildings and inequalities in the environment. though, in some cases, shadows past remain.lized demands for black political empowerment convinced the federal government to end the measures and secure black voting rights in the south. -- black-owned the african-american church housed the modern movement, provided most of the leadership and supporters, and nurtured a tradition of resistance to white supremacy that began in slavery activismnues through such as black lives matter. demonstrating criteria three, testimony to cultural tradition, the modern movement challenged exceptionalism and privilege with a counter narra

for african-american women, we make 67 cents on the dollar compared to non-minority men. when we think about education, african-american women are graduating--enrolling, graduating from college, but the opportunity is around what's the curriculum and are they in stem programs, which is where the roles are? those are opportunities for us to start. rosemary: we'll leave it there. thank you all for being with us.

washington about african-americans that interacted with lincoln. it had been out-of-print since 1942. it has an introduction by call sandberg. i thought it would be helpful and interesting to have a second current. oxford university printed it. i wrote a new introduction describing the life of the author, who was an african-american public school teacher in washington, d.c., and the original reception of the book. i'm really happy it has just come out. masur, thank you very much for your time. >> next, we continue our coverage of this weekend's meeting in washington, d.c. you are watching american history tv on cspan3. >> good afternoon. thank you for joining us this late on a saturday afternoon. i am the executive director of us/icomos. i will describe who we are and set a little context. welcome to the session on world heritage and the new birmingham national civil rights monument. joining us today on the panel, we will be doing brief introductions. glenn eskew from georgia state university who is coordinating the civil rights world heritage nomi

there have beenafri successful african-americans, and remain successful african-american, but what happensis that the narrative is dominated by thosee sus successful and byg. those who are struggling. and i think that part of it is s that success in the african-american community becomes largely invisibilisibli so is what it does is to increase the african-american success and they are able to convey that to the youth being served. >> and visible for the students themselves? >> yes, and i should say that the studentsents servet er serv programs are not all african-american, and they are certainly open to students of all races, but theymerican are a african-american led and predominantly they serve african-american youth. >> and to be clear, are these government supported in some ways? >> they are not government supported programs directly, and some of them, they have informau ties to the school systems and that sort of thing, but these are grass roots organization a tland nonprofit organizations and lots of times they are being supported by volunteers in the community, and people -- leadin

if you take few weeks ago in alabama, the african american female vote, 98% of african-americans, females, turned out to elect the first in many, many years candidate for the us senate that was democratic. so, i think when we talk about the time being now from his speech, we recognize that. i think our resilience helps us to honor that. and i think we're ready. so, i think there's progress that's been made. there's more that needs to be made. rosemary: chad, i see you nodding your head. chad dion lassiter: yeah, i like what my colleagues have shared. i would just add that there's aspects of the dream that has been realized, but similar to how we were rushing to say that we're a post-racial america, there's aspects of that that's a mirage, there's aspects of the dream that's still a mirage. i think when i think about king, i think about how king articulated the triple evils. he talked about poverty, racism, and militarism. and when we're looking at where we're at in our democracy now, we're looking at our military might. we're not looking at the beloved community that he so articulated for

i think it's a very painful subject for african-americans. i cannot speak for all african-americans, but i am that it is painful and i do know that most of the -- a tremendous amount of interest in the civil rights era, the second civil rights era, the point at which people began to have action and move -- although people are moving during this time as well, i just think it is a painful thing, to talk about or discuss matters that are in ofr family, the subject painful memories and so forth. i think it's necessary for people to be involved in history and in this matter as well. i think it is really tough. i don't want to say too soon. is it too soon? >> 150 years? prof. reed: from urban that what when they ask joe -- he thought of the french revolution, he said it is too soon to tell. years in terms of history is not a long time, that's a blink of an eye. -- theya lot of it worry about how it's going to be received. chat well.g from this may be a tangent. i was leaving charlottesville one day and i looked over and saw a bunch of evil in gray

one of african-americans against white property. the far more deadly and destructive coming from police that behaved in a lawless fashion. in the the tories incident in detroit, kerner found policechers rearranged the bodies of killed african-americans killed by police forces to make it seem like the police were responding in self-defense. document pulled no punches in calling the police "one of the most reactionary and racist institutions of white society." it made it clear addressing the underlying causes would require federal effort to correct the lawless practices of in powerice forces and urban african-americans. the report made radical recommendations. it was politically unpalatable to the kerner commission, but the authors are characterized as liberals. they are not radicals, really. no one known to oppose the vietnam war could work on the kerner commission. that was one of johnson's stipulations. that would exclude almost anyone on the new left at the time. when the kerner report came out, though social science division is c

why is that, because african-americans can't drive? more likely to be stopped for a drug offense, even though every study has shown that whites use and abuse and sell drugs more. if you look at the overdose rate, six times the rate for whites than blacks, but the statistic is the opposite when it comes to being arrested for drug offenses. james bell, who spoke earlier, did an amazing, groundbreaking study. it showed clearly that there were disparities. we sought to take that study and work with the university of pennsylvania, which offered to do a two-year study independently. all we did was provide them with our files. and we opened our files up to them. they came up with a report -- first slide, please? second slide. they gave us an economist and a scientist and a law professor for two years, who worked on the study. and we gave them 11,000 cases. when asking the question, "what specifically did the disparities result in?" they found that african-americans are held in pretrial custody 62% longer than their white counterparts and on a

history and african-american studies. >>available at c-span.org. to welcome john lawrence the book the book class of 1974. john: it is difficult to write a book about congress because it is a very large institution.

but they are african-american lead and predominantly serve african-american youth. howard: are these government supported in some way? dr. gooden: they are not government supported directly. some of them may have in formal ties, but these are grassroots organizations. are being they supported by volunteers in the community. individuals and respect to the individuals leaving the program and the training -- leading the program in the training. to enter the where are they now, in addition to evaluating the programs as being effective, we are seeing large numbers, close to 80%, enrolled in college. the not so great news is the amount of student debt that these students are reporting. of course, we know that this is an issue that is a national issue. over 52% have already taken out student loans exceeding $5,000. 17.4% have taken out loans just in their first year between and $29,000.5,000 howard: let me turn to dr. bradley. susan gooden talked about programs in new jersey. at least two of those have links to the african-american church. new jersey organization started i

not to they, african-american community.the camera, it allows you to spend the time looking in that way. it is amazing what unfolds or what emerges from the process. amy: looking at a review -- and they have been a rate for "hale county." hollywood reporter writes "photographer walker evans and writer james agee compose let us now praise famous men, the famous text and image study of county."hale you turn that on its head. you give us a very different picture. joslyn barnes are you produced this film. l's work so unusual for you that you wanted to be a part of this project? >> just want to clarify, i produced a film with ramell andsue kim. i think of the documentary as an encounter. one of the unusual elements of this film is not the centrality of the african-american perspective, but a completely new imaging of african-americans. it really takes a part the historical -- it brings the historical to bear on it, but it also takes it apart. part of it -- the strategy was really in the editing process. it is the looking and inte

and remain successful african americans. i think what happens suspect that the narrative is dominated by those who are not as successful, by those who are struggling, and i think part of it is that success in the african american community largely becomes invisible. and i think one of the things that each these three programs does is it increases the visibility of african american success and they're able to convey that to the youth that are being served. >> visible for the students themselves? >> yes. and i should mention that the students -- the students served by the programs are not all african american, they're open to students of all races, but they are african-american led and freeh predominantly they serve african-american youth. >> are these government supported in someway? >> they are not government-supported programs directly. some of them may vin formal ties to school systems and that sort of thing, but these are grassroots organizations. they're nonprofit organizations largely often times they're being supported

one of african-americans against white property. the far more deadly and destructive coming from police that behaved in a lawless fashion. in the the tories incident in detroit, kerner found policechers rearranged the bodies of killed african-americans killed by police forces to make it seem like the police were responding in self-defense. document pulled no punches in calling the police "one of the most reactionary and racist institutions of white society." it made it clear addressing the underlying causes would require federal effort to correct the lawless practices of in powerice forces and urban african-americans. the report made radical recommendations. it was politically unpalatable to the kerner commission, but the authors are characterized as liberals. they are not radicals, really. no one known to oppose the vietnam war could work on the kerner commission. that was one of johnson's stipulations. that would exclude almost anyone on the new left at the time. when the kerner report came out, though social science division is c

i hear loud and clear from african-american community what it would mean for you have to an african-american represent you as the mayor of san francisco. but i have heard from the lgbt community how meaningful it would be for a gay mayor -- gay mayor would be for them. in 2017, was the deadliest year on record for lgbt in america, with murders from hate crimes happening almost every single week. all while a president tried to remove trans-people from the military and made discrimination against lgbt people legal. i heard the pains from the lgbt community when they tell us we live in the gayest city in america, that we have yet to have a gay mayor. in fact, the person that was most likely to have been our first gay mayor was assassinated in the room right behind these chambers 40 years ago. and my heart goes out to the asian american community who tragically lost the first asian american mayor of a city that was founded and built on the backs of the asian community. after 100 years of deeply racist louse and the rounding up of our japanese community into camps, to lose a mayor who worked hard

we have been so quiet as african-american people. we have not intervened to bring any of you any problems. and then all of a sudden, when london breed is standing in her position and highly qualified, then you get ready to change the game. the issue with me is what do you expect us to do? to sit up here and see this evil because you want to take the place and follow after ed lee who was a honorable and worthy man. i came from my walking group, the ambassador of alice griffin. i didn't have time to change clothes, because i come here trying to be kind and quiet, but this is a time for war. if you remove here her, this is going to cause issues on our children, our people, why is she treated differently than dianne feinste feinstein. everyone is acknowledging that except the african-american community. what do we need to step into the position to be on this playing field and play fairly? you can vote for whoever you want, but now you're saying you want her to step down because of three powers. she has shown she has the power. is there j

african-americans who are not certain about this.ad a relative a few years ago, i was the executor, and i got letters from family members, the most moving letters, that because of her, she allowed six other the people to live. i go back and forth myself, but i have that testimony of how it saved other people's lives. herx other people to live. i go back-and-forth myself, i have that testimony of how it saved other people's lives. i think it is a personal decision. i know now, they are hypervigilant about keeping the sure the bodies are connected to who is being cremated, that is all done properly. the activities i was referring to were mostly bodies that were being procured illegally. it was not illegal to dissect in the 19th century. there were black and white ,odies on the dissection tables particularly unclaimed bodies whereail and other places people do not claim the bodies, hospitals, and so forth. how much today, even though we have that case i talked about. there is an under market organ trained -- organ trade that has been go

the town has 60% white voters and 40% african-american voters. if you don't draw any districts for your seven members of city council, that is when you have at-large voting. that comes up in some of these cases. with seven different lines being drawn normally. if you have a situation of racial polarized voting, we know what we get, we have an all-white city council. in thes the situation city of mobile, alabama. not really was touched by the initial voting rights act of 1965. poll taxes and , it required as we heard from the judge, preclearance that is federal approval before making changes in your voting laws. votinge to prove to get laws that they would not make voters were soft. section five did not touch something like an at-large system. there was no need to do redistricting because there was no district. even if the population change, there would be no method to go after it. how to deal with this problem? in the city of mobile versus toden, which was a challenge their at-large voting system, the supreme court was faced with aproblem if this

him wide andhind diverse who came together to say that the african-americans deserve to vote. we're joined from louisiana. go ahead, please. that the that the role whatttee plays, given emerged in june of 66 -- 1966 into black power, to what extent do you think the concept that the struggle was about getting power? to what extent do you think that influenced the uprising or the revolts in 1967 and 1968? many people seem to stress the spontaneity of the uprisings. an intellectual person must admit there was spontaneity. was there some degree of organization and motivation to the need for organization as organization? elizabeth: this is an important question that came up in the panel. sustainedothing organization to the rebellion. there is thist radicals like black panthers are behind the uprising. those have not really been proven by historians. i think the grievances and the social economic reality is that we are a breeding ground for the civil rights movement and but our movement and uprisings were rooted in the same and demand for an end to the exclusionary institutions that

he said that the unemployment rate was in the 40% range for african-americans. he lied about the african-american unemployment rate and then as soon as he got in office, he inherited the declining unemployment numbers and he took credit for what president obama did. that's disgusting, abhorrent and the president should apologize to president obama, not only for the lies, about the birth certificate, but about the lies about the african-american community, he continues to spread. and you carried it, to sit here and defend this, when you should know because you're a smart person to study the statistics, should know that the president did nothing, has not lifted a finger to help the african-american commune tirks has been t community. i don't want to hear any nonsense about taking credit for things that president obama did unless he acknowledges that president obama had some role in doing that. that's what is so indefensible. >> labor force participation rate is up for african-americans and that was the criticism that trump leveled, labor force participation. you c

whites enjoy $111,000 of wealth versus $7,000 for african-americans.nd the -- the other sort of disparities that have plagued the black community forever. it also doesn't count those african-americans who in my state, which we have the highest incarceration rate of african-american men in the country and arguably in the world doesn't count those folks as unemployed and those who have just plain old given up. it is hard for me to believe that if white men and white people experience the kind of unemployment that african-americans experience, we wouldn't have some kind of marshall plan to solve this. and so we were very appalled to hear him do that. >> i was having a conversation with congressman doug collins of georgia earlier about prison reform and incarceration and sentencing. president did mention that in his remarks last night. this as you said, this country in general incarcerates more people than anybody thinks it should and we don't rehabilitate them. is there anything material that you think could be done? >> well, we had a wonderful bipartisan

there is a minority of african-americans who go there and you can ask why african-americans are not hired to be interpreters because they do not want to have a relation with this space or because there are no efforts being made. when we are talking about the mansions, what i have the impression in the two places, and mount vernon is the same thing, the mansion is a sort of sacred space of the president, where we do not talk about the slavery inside the mansion, we talk about the slavery outside and you do not talk about this inside. i was impressed by what you are doing in montpelier in this exhibition. the last time i've been in a conference about this issue, there was a descendent of on theon and hemmings table and she said she does not like to use the word rape, which is apparently what is being done and monticello. and i asked myself whether or not the stories are being incorporated inside the mansion and whether or not i can go there and simply not see anything you are showing me here, for example i can see the gardens, i can visit other places, other places inside the mansion and no

people, destroy african-american communities even. that was the build-up to what happened in 1967. the flash point was a pushback specifically against police aggression, police brutality. but you also had lots of other kinds of pushback. the people who were in the streets looting stores were pushing back against the economic oppression that was taking place. so i think an uprising really captures all of that in a way that doesn't dismiss it. one of the things i think is true is language has real power in our culture. and the word riot was used to dismiss all of those things after what happened happened. it was used to say ignore this. don't worry about the things that are behind this. we've taken care of it with police response and we'll just move on. >> so as well, also set this event in the national context. what else was going on in 1967 across the country, particularly as other areas of the nation were suffering the same kind of riots or uprising or however you want to describe it? >> i think there are common themes in all of the

we're roughly, 29, 30% african american. about 11% latino, 5% various mixes of immigrants and various cultures there. the rest caucasian. kansas city has variety of neighborhoods. it has an extremely sophisticated purpose and culture. things that people might not expect. we have tremendous sports teams. we have great art. it's a place of variety and a place of music and barbecue. one thing i can tell you as a mayor is that all cities have similar problems. we have issues that we have to deal with crime. just like everybody else, too many guns on the street, too much gun violence, too many homicides. we have to deal with that. by educating kids. because one thing we know is that seldom do you have ph.ds shooting each other on street corners. you have people who are undereducated and therefore have fewer options who feel hopeless. and when you feel hopeless, you feel angry. and when you feel angry, you lash out. and if you happen to have easy access to guns, oftentimes that's with a gun. the things that i remember and the thin

that was with the protection for african-americans. as native people were being dispossessed in this area, african-americans have fewer places to go. in addition to that, there were a few examples of families that were formed and were able to bond and live together and even run away together. there is a historian here at detroit mercy giving a lot of work on these questions right now. they are looking for the bits of information is one thing i can point you to is he is a person who is believed to be the model for uncle tom. they were taken in by the camp and spent the night there and they were actually lost and the native people they stayed with pointed them in the right direction, so i think that there are many examples of this. i'm interested in how you explain the cultural differences. is it between the record-keeping in the south. i don't think it is so much of a cultural difference as a population and structural difference. in detroit the numbers were small we are talking about 1300 people in the early years to 85 and enslaved in