it was a majority african-american population, and their districts are majority african-american. so there is support for a black candidate. elliott is a wonderful orator, and he is one of those people who invented himself as he went along. you get the sense he was a true character. he had a great classical education. he came up after reconstruction. worked on a newspaper. he had a journalism background. many lives up to the state state assembly. he comes into the house for two terms in the early 1870's. he is one of the men who comes up to the floor and talks about the importance of passing the 1875 civil rights bill and gives some speeches that are picked up in the northern press. and they just swoon over him. in one of the speeches, he actually has a point counterpoint debate with alexander stevens, the former confederate vice president, who by that point had come back to the house. and elliott just blows him out of the water. he is so respected and such an ally of senator charles sumner, that when sumner passes, shortly before his bill moves through the house and senate, ellio

not just for african americans, but for women. and following her throughout the next four decades, roughly 40 african-american women who are elected to congress. and that is impressive when you look at that number of relative -- number relative to the number of african-americans who have served in congress from the beginning. it is a much larger percentage than caucasian women or hispanic women, or asian-american women. kind of the rising influence of women within the community and their role in congress. farar: one of the things that is interesting about looking at women in congress and african american women in congress is seeing the role on the national stage. and we have a couple of artifacts that illustrate that. here is a cover of ebony magazine, 1969. right when surely -- shirley chisolm took -- came in to congress. she is on the cover and it is a new face in congress. first black woman on capitol hill. she, like many other members of congress really become an important national figures in the african american press. for ex

and number of the african-americans who serve in this time periods -- a number of african-americans who serve in this time period, that is how they move up quickly and then move into positions where they can be elect it to congress. farar: who is the first african-american in the house? matthew: the first african-american to speak in the floor -- on the floor in the house of representatives while the house is in session was a man who was elected but never seated. john lewis minard from louisiana was elected in 1868. his election was contested and that is a story that runs throughout the 19th century for so many of these african-american members elected to congress. they election was challenged and a number of them had this experience. 1869d was in february, allowed to speak on the house floor to defend himself. the house chose not to seat him or his opponent and he was never seated, but he won the election. the house just exercised its right not to seat him. the first african-american elected to the house into seated in the house is joseph rainey of south carolina in december, 1870 . 19

and rainy too was a symbol for african-americans. these were men who not only represented their small districts or their states and the constituents therein, but they represented african-americans nationally. and they were a source of pride, and that's reflected in the material culture. rainy serves for almost eight years in the house. he's the longest serving african-american during the reconstruction period, during the 19th century, and he establishes a couple of firsts. he's the first african-american to preside over the house while it's in session. that happens in 1874. and his experience, though, is typical of a lot of these other individuals who come to the house in relatively small numbers. the high point in terms of the number of african-americans is the 43rd congress, mid-1870s. there's only six or seven african-americans in congress at that point. so they're really too small of a group to drive any kind of legislative agenda, and where they do contribute to legislation is to come out and speak on behalf of their constituent

he downplays the fact that he's an african-american in congress. he doesn't want to push black issues, per se, as he told the press on numerous occasions. he serves for a couple terms, and he's replaced by another member named william dawson, who is one of the longest serving african-americans in house history. dawson, again, another individual who started off as a republican and moved to the democratic party in chicago. and he's important because by the late 1940s, he chairs the committee that will become what we now call oversight and government reform. it was government operations back in the 1940s. and he chairs that committee, really, with the exception of a single term, for the rest of his career. so for two decades. but he's another member who comes into the institution and unlike depriest, who challenges things frontally, he feels like he can make changes by fitting into the institution and trying to affect change from his position of power as a committee chairman. >> and you know, one of the interesting things about him is in addition to b

the first african-american in the house. it takes is all the way around to all of them who were there. i find this so poignant. when this was printed, no one knew how long would it be? did they think 20 years was going to be a long time? did they think it would just be a moment. you can see it seems terribly damaged and had a hard life. indeed, it has. it was at some point -- someone took this and pasted it probably on a wall. it is pasted on board. underneath the print is is wallpaper. it was perhaps pasted on someone's wall in recognition of those things that happened. it was printed in d.c. we acquired it in d.c.. it may never have left to the nations capitol, unlike black representation at the time it was printed. [captioning performed by the national captioning institute, which is responsible for its caption content and accuracy. visit ncicap.org] >> next on american history tv american artifacts, we visit the cannon house office building to see artifacts that tell the story of african-americans in congress in the 20th

we are first african american woman in 1969. but more specifically to the voting rights act, which protects voters in districts where they had a hard time registering previously because of local and state laws and essentially franchise mint. andrew young from georgia and barbara jordan from texas. has the numbers of african-american numbers increased, it allows that core group to create issues caucus. in 1971, we had the formation of the congressional black caucus, that is a group of roughly a dozen members at that point. but it is able to exercise some power as a voting bloc will hand as a an organization that educates members on issues that are important to the black community nationally. the black caucus becomes very early on, in things like opposing apartheid in south africa. building a momentum to pass a federal holiday to commemorate martin luther king's birthday palm. it is operating at a legislative level but inside also. it is open to african american members because it is getting them on to bigger and betty companies a

the african-american vote, the african-american community is important. that is why you have seen him make appointments like those of ben carson, a terrific surgeon, and a guy who has been on the presidential ticket for the primary back in 2012, and who way for urbanhe development, and revamping that entire agency. this president has done a terrific job. you contrast that to the democrats. joe biden -- member who president trump is running against. facing biden, a guy who totally socialism. a guy who looked at me and said, if you don't vote for him, you are not black. within theversity african-american community. that we all think alike, that we all support each other -- you are seeing with the democrat party really feels about african-americans, and that is what is really sad. you try to see that she saw a great attempt by the democrats to repaint joe biden as the savior of the african-american community. in the 1990's, he said the people who look like me, who were my age at the time, were nothing more than juvenile predators. i'm not a predator. i know

two african-americans who served in the senate. they are surrounded by the larger number of african-americans who had served in the house. here is joseph rainey and it takes it all the way around to all of them who were there. i find this so poignant in that when this was printed, no one knew how long it would be. did they think 20 years was going to be a long time? did they think it was going to be just a moment? this print looks like it has had a hard life and indeed it has. at one point someone took this and pasted it on probably a wall underneather it -- the print is wallpaper. it was perhaps pasted on somebody's wall in recognition of those things that had happened. it was printed in d.c.. we acquired it in d.c.. it may never have left the nation's capital unlike african-american representation. next on american history tv's american artifacts, we visit the cannon house office building to see artifacts that tell the story of african-americans in congress in the 20th century. >> i am sarah elliott. matthew: and i am matthew was

it's it's sort of a lag of a few than states being able to elect african-american -- african-american members? matthew: what is in place in the southern states his republican reconstruction governments. at that point, by the late 1860's, you begin to see a number of african-american officeholders move up into positions of local authority. either on town councils or in the state legislators. and they gain a political role, a political voice. a number of the african-americans who served in this time, that is how they come up through the ranks very quickly and move up into positions were they can then be elected to congress. farar: so who is the first african-american in the house? matthew: the first speak on thecan to florida house of representatives while the house is in session is actually a man who was elected but never seated. john willis minard from 1868.ana was elected in his election was contested. that's a story that runs throughout the 19th century for so many of these african-american members who were elected to congress. their election was challenged. a number of them had tha

they don't want to be serving with an african-american. and when we were doing some research recently on the history of who had what office in the different house office buildings, in the cannon house office building, then just known as the house office building, it turned out that the place that oscar depriest was assigned was a bathroom. and they ripped out the plumbing and just turned it into an office for him. one has to wonder, did they choose that particular space to rip out and change for him because it could happen at the last minute and perhaps it would just sort of side step people objecting in advance. they wouldn't know. they wouldn't think anybody was going to be next to them. they thought just the bathroom was next door. it's these things that bubble up from lots of primary source research that our offices do when we learn these stories behind the stories. >> one other episode happens late in depriest's career when a staffer, essentially his chief of staff and a family member of the chief of staff are asked to leave the house

african-americans have to define how to build equity.fted define what public -- wees align with our half to define what public policies align with us. host: what will your organization be involved with in regards to the election? guest: we will be involved with increasing black voter turnout. it is disheartening when you see an erosion of black voter turnout in 2016, the first time in over 20 years. we had a historic turnout in 2012. we need to come back to that level to make sure our voices are heard at the ballot box. naacp does not tell people how to vote. we want to make sure individuals in our community are voting because in order for us to have a representative democracy all of our voices -- everyone needs to be registered so our voices can be heard. host: from jerry in mississippi. caller: i am concerned about the .lection in the near future i would like for you to elaborate on may be poll watchers, what they watch for and what they need to be concerned because here in mississippi we have to be very vigilant about the boat. -- abo

he specializes in african-american and modern united states history, world war i and african-american intellectual history. he's the offer of "torchbearers of democracy: african-american soldiers in the world war i era." it received the 2011 liberty legacy foundation award from the organization of american historians and the 2011 distinguished book award from the society for military history. he is also a part of so many projects that i continue to be talking about around the nation as we are giving these teacher, professional development workshops. one of those is called world war i america. you can find a video with him as well as some questions and things that he helped curate to really change how our students think about world war i. so it is a true pleasure to have dr. williams back. he is currently completing a book on web and world war i completing a ratcliffe fellowship with harvard university. this morning dr. williams will discuss african-american soldiers in the rise of the new negro. help me in welcoming back dr. chad williams. [ applause ] >> good morning, everyone. i hop

so yes, there are some free african-americans who join the army. but when the emancipation there are some still in servitude and don't know how to deal with their legal freedom or maybe not have heard about their legal freedom. one of the great mysteries of the civil war is how news of the proclamation spread to enslaved people. so for the most part, enslaved people freed themselves on the basis of their legal right to liberty through the proclamation, when union armies were near to which they could attach themselves. and if we go back to the drawing for a minute, i'll tell the story that is slow in getting to it but i want to set the stage. keep in mind, the culture of the day is that these artists are attached to union armies, covering the action. well usually covering headlines because it the a great idea to look down at a sketch book while shells were coming. and one day, during the siege of vicksburg, which was also in the last episode of the grant mini series and this details was not shown, as grant is besieging the city of vicksburg on the m

middle class african american neighborhoods. you would not have those problems. and that is true. but as we all know, income distribution in the african american community, is lower than the income distribution in the white community. partly because of the history of residential segregation. that is not a realistic policy alternative at this point. so i would never suggest, and i don't suggest that black children would have to sit next to white children to learn, but low income children, tend to be disproportionately african american in this country. and a half to sit next to middle class children, in order to have a productive learning environment. >> and it is not related these you know one of the points i think you make is that they come from wealthy households to. >> yes they do come from wealthy wealthier health households, and that's the legacy of residential segregation. so >> please do. >> i think it's really really important it's not just living apart. >> well the wealth difference is essential, because it will be a lon

yes, there are some african americans who are free african americans who joined the war. but when emancipation is issued there are also african americans who are still in servitude. and don't know quite how to deal with their legal freedom, or may not have heard about their legal freedom. one of the great mysteries of the civil war is how news of the proclamation spread to enslaved people so, for the most part enslaved people freed themselves on the basis of their legal rights to liberty through the proclamation, when union armies were near, to which they can attach themselves. and if you go back to the drawing, i will tell the story, which i'm slow and getting to but i want to set the stage. keep in mind, the culture of the day is that these artists are attached to union armies, covering the action. or usually, covering the compliance, because it's not a good idea to look down at a sketchbook. they did scenes in pen. one day, while doing the seats, which was also, the last episode of the grants many series. this detail was not shown. as grant is besiege in the city of vi

african americans have been in the navy before. technically as laborers but they had mentioned some had been employed in the union army as teamster's. the idea of them bearing arms was new not all the military leaders embrace this idea. for those who bought the may be watching a grand history's many series on the history channel, and episode to be less ulysses as grant watched as an african american laborer take a gun and shoot a confederate when it's owners shocked at first. you see in grants eyes all this is the way of the future. in fact grant did not think it was a great idea at first to welcome african americans into his army. his chief lieutenant sherman, did not like the idea. general bird side was not taken as seriously by those two at the time, did not like the idea. general mcclelland who, was seen in a tent with lincoln in october 1862. for months after that basically told lincoln my soldiers are gonna fight to restore the union but don't expect this to fight for blacks. this shows you how long that the -- race the milit

african american to graduate. so when she graduated, no one in alabama would provide her job. lawyer so ultimately saw she was upset that she had gone to the school. she gets a job with the department of justice in washington, d.c.. the school did ask her to come back to do the commencement address, and she did and to make a long story short, the theme of her commencement address was that you must always be prepared because you never know what door you may have to walk through. and that is the story of ms. the vivian malone jones, who opened a lot of doors. the city made this honorary vivian malone jones way as a complementary to the historical marker in place in front of where the homestead used to be. h roger williams grew up all in louisiana on a sugar plantation. he wants to be a pharmacist. he goes to pharmacy school, comes to mobile and opens up a drugstore right here. on dauphin street. 1896, he decides that he wants to be a physician. he goes to a harry medical school in nashville, tennessee. he becomes a

so we've had an african-american representative at the table sent 1984 and we've also had an african-american committee. so now, those individuals represent their district. and each district currently getting $3 million per district and if they don't spend that money like the constituents want, obviously they bring somebody else in. we're sit iting a at the table w and when decisions are made and when the money is allocated, which means it can be spent in their communities as opposed to other areas of the city. so it was probably one of the most profound areas of the city. took the case something like ten years to get through the system and the judge that finally made the decision, judge pittman, there were articles in the press register, they wanted him to leave the country. he was not well received a after after that. but things have moved forward. we're moving forward in the city and still a lot of work to be done, but that was probably one of the greatest milestones for the african-american community. to benefit from that time as a result of neighborhood organized workers. in most cases,

for african-americans and non-african-americans. we expected 4000 people a day.were getting 8000. we had to actually say you have to have tickets to get people in, because the crowds were so great. david: so every congressman and senator is calling you for tickets? lonnie: i am everyone's best friend. david: president bush signed the legislation to approve the museum and president obama was president when it opened. i think he said to you, make sure it is open when i'm in office. lonnie: let's talk to the president. he says we have to move a little quicker. ♪ david: as a result of covid, how have you had to pivot, and how has the organization had to pivot? lonnie: i had to put together teams to help me think about this. team to look at the virus, to one give me the best medical advice working with the cdc and others. but then i put together a team to look at, what is the new normal? what does it mean when we reopen there will still be a virus concern? what does it mean that we have to think about doing more digitally? what does it mean that we have to protect our

it wasn't negative in any sense or pejorative towards the african-american, but it informed african-americanoters who might not have been aware of the fact that there was an african-american because he didn't have a lot of money and wasn't running that robust of a campaign that there was. and it was sort of this crucible lesson that race is the key in which certainly all southern politics played in, to a certain degree, all american politics. >> and let's just go to kanye west. i mean, kanye west is said to be contemplatg a run for the presidency as an independent thirparty candidate. and it is reported that there are gop operatives working to get him on the ballot in several states. is this what you're talking about? is this the oldest trick in the republican playbook? is this same thing you did 40 years ago? >> yeah, except, you know, he's a lot more famous and richer than the guy that i was running. what it isis this admission that we're going to not get african-american votes. so we used to try to address that and change. unsuccessfully, but we tried. now it's not even trying. there's ju

african-americans from broad swaths of new deal programs. this is true in north carolina where there's a large demographic change happening right now. people coming from the north moving in. a growth in la tinos in north carolina and toex are attempting to hold on to the old order. it's not a mistake you're seeing these draconian voting laws to allow people to do the same sorts of things they would have been able to do 20, 30, 40, 50 years ago. the fight is really, really important. it's an inextricably tied. i think you're on the right path. >> gerrymandering [ inaudible ]. >> true. >> thank you all. i think it's interesting, first, history is not particularly mysterious to black people. there are -- most black people are aware of this history because our grandparents who are still alive endured it, but i would like to just ask a question, the policies were nefarious and intentional in segregating housing because as you point out in your book, housing is sort of the -- the gateway to all the other disenfranchisement. i guess the question th

families and african-american life. the key that you mentioned that is the interlocked nature of white and black society and memory and experience one hand cannot move without the other hand that's something that is an ideal frame of consciousness to achieve to understand the interlocked nature of the destiny. >> host: i want to ask a question that's sort of animated as a fellow writer. i also wrote a family memoir that went back for generations. i appreciate your struggle to tell the story where the paper trail ends particularly writing about the clansmen if they were intentionally clandestine survey were not going to leave a paper trail so you give yourself permission to fill gaps with your imagination. i see him this or don't see him doing that. i wonder about that and how you think trained historians feel about that. >> i don't actually provide a dialog for people who i don't have evidence of their dialogue but by imaginative projection i think when you tell the reader that you are reconstituting or constructing the

as well as the african american and the whites. this plays a big part in the suffrage movement, especially when the 14th amendment was passed and ratified. it included the word mail. this is the first time in the history of the constitution that gender was specified, and it delivered a severe blow to the suffrage movement, where women were trying to advocate for their right to vote, but they weren't even considered citizens. the 14th amendment granted citizenship to anyone in the united states. when the 15th amendment enfranchised american citizens, it only enfranchised half the population. this is a huge divide. the suffrage movement disagreed on how to handle it. that's why they split between each other. susan bee anthony and lucy stanton wanted to advocate for suffered by including black women's, whereas lucy was trying to add the case for universal suffrage. one of the major african-american suffragists. she famously gave a speech at a suffrage convention. she was saying that we are all bound up together. she was trying to expl

african-americans were suffragists.f you come with me, we will talk about one of the major ,frican-american suffragists miss harper, who famously spoke. what she said was all bound up together. to was trying to explain people that she is also an african-american, and a woman, combined, bound up together and intersectional. black women really couldn't just sit around and let people take away their rights and not advocate for them. so they became active in church groups and and they really worked on learning how to speak in public, understanding their rights, understanding how to get those rights by their local communities, by being involved in those local community church groups. and that is a very interesting topic that not a lot of people have gone into or understand as much. so, people do understand the suffrage movement was divided, but they don't understand that remained aricans very active. and so this exhibition endeavors to make sure that we include african-americans and other stories, like sarah parker, whose po

was african american. there were places like georgetown, that had a predominantly african american community. in the 18th and early 19th century. and what you have in washington, is, what i love to say is this neighborhood that we are in, was a black neighborhood. it was a neighborhood of an equals, but it was a neighborhood where many african americans lived, many isn't slaves, many us free. so i think it's important to realize that, for many people, african americans, washington became their home. and they did a variety of jobs to be -- >> so the warfare number of fried american -- but there's a number of african american states. did you have to carry papers with you down the street, so someone say your slave you should be doing that? how do they handle that? >> washington became a place that the free black population began to grow. partly, some people were men humid, often when people gain their freedom in places like virginia, and north carolina, they would encourage to leave. not to stay. many came to

was african-american. now, there were places like georgetown that had a predominantly african-american community in the 18th and early 19th century. and what you have in washington is what i love to say is this neighborhood that we're in was a black neighborhood. it was a neighborhood of unequals, but it was a neighborhood where many african-americans lived, many as enslaved, some as free. so i think it's important to realize that for many people, african-americans, washington, became their home, and they did a variety of jobs to be essential to the city. >> so there were a fair number of freed african-american slaves here but also a number of african-american slaves. did you have to carry papers with you down the streets, so if someone said to you, you're slave, you shouldn't be doing this or that. how did they do that? how did they handle that? >> washington became a place where the free black population began to grow. partly some people were man ewe mitted. often when people gain their freedom in places

they are strategizing, to make life better for african-americans during a difficult time. in this exhibition, they were not advocating only suffrage but other things outside the parameters of the single issue focus. african-american women doing lots of activism even though the national american women's suffrage association with two fractions we were talking about in the beginning when in 1870, they came back to gather. with great force and strategies, the state-by-state strategy, also excluding african-americans the whole time and my point is these women were not just sitting around, they were being very active in and of themselves within their own group and their own society and local community, and a banner that was carried in 1911. writing is an excerpt called the glorious -- 1871 by the british dean of canterbury. what i learned about this banner is how that sense of spirituality that is so important to the suffragists during the -- up through the 19 teens. it is emerging and onward and making progress. i wanted to include a couple banners for the national women's part

there is only six or seven african-americans in congress at that point. are really too small of a group to drive any kind of legislative agenda. so they tend to give very eloquent speeches about some of the major bills, like the 1875 again,ights act, which, is a piece of legislation not many people think about today when you think civil rights act. it is the civil rights act of 1964. and what that bill it 1875 would have done, is essentially the same as the 1964 fell dead. -- bill did. it would have granted equality in accommodations, in public travel, and also in schools. a lot of these african-americans from the south, from south carolina, mississippi, alabama, got up and spoke on behalf of this bill, and particularly the education provision, which would have provided an equal playing field. is that provision, sadly, stripped out of the bell at the very end of the congress. >> this is a 1907 print, that it is calledll -- colored men who have served in the congress of the united states -- and it is really a testament to the persistence of hope, in the af

within the african american community. the notion of being told to leave really angered some of the abolitionists. people like frederick douglass were really offended and attacked lincoln when it became clear that his initial notion was to send these people outside the united states. >> for those who may not be experts on what frederick douglass did in what he was, he was a freed, i guess he was a slave what escaped, eventually bought his freedom, but what was his role in society? >> frederick douglass was someone who escaped slavery from the eastern shore of maryland, ended up first in philadelphia philadelphia, the new york, than in bedford, and he became someone, who became one of the leaders in the abolitionist movement. a brilliant speaker, he was befriended by abolitionist leaders like william garrison, and douglas becomes the voice of black america. he creates newspapers, he debates with lincoln. he really was seen as somebody who would sort of demand that america live up to its stated identity. stated ideals. he is

he wasn't actually the first african-american in congress.o hiram rebel of mississippi who was elected by the state legislature as senators were back in the 19th century. earlye in to congress in 1870. the high point in terms of the number of african-americans is the 43rd congress, mid-1870's. there's only six or seven african-americans in congress at that point. there are too small of a group to drive any kind of legislative agenda. they tend to give very eloquent speeches about some of the major bills, like the 1875 civil rights act. which, again, is a piece of legislation not many people think about today when you think civil rights. it's 1964. what that bill in 1875 would have done is the same thing that the 1964 build it. it would have granted equality in accommodations, in public travel, in schools. a lot of these african-americans from the south, south carolina, mississippi, alabama, got up and spoke on behalf of this bill. particularly the education provision, which would've provided an equal playing field. that provision is stripped

protestant churches were targeted, leading african-americans. henry highland garnet was a great black orator who lived in manhattan. his daughter, when she heard the rumblings, went outside and pried his nameplate off of his door, which probably saved his life. horace greeley, the editor of "the tribune, " walked into the crowd and was beaten up. so this was absolutely the low point of new york history, i think. >> repeating. >> by the way, i think this is a serious problem for us in memory, as we have heard in the past two days as we speak, of more confederate statues being earmarked for removal. and there is no monument or plaque that attests to the draft riots, and the toll they took on the honor and civility and lives of new york and new yorkers. we have to have a movement to remember even unpleasant parts of our history, because ultimately, if they didn't make us better right away, at least they struck appropriate shame into the hearts of the rest of new yorkers. >> >> it is hard to tell, we assume there were no casualties, but how can i sa

in part because the parades excluded african-americans. but, they were doing well and getting the word out. and so, miriam leslie changed her magazine to make sure it included illustrations like this. if you study it after she took over, you can see a clear trajectory into the feminist causes of the era, which is interesting. finally, we are going to look at an example of anti-suffrage. this is from 1894. new york had tried to change its state referendum to include women's right to vote. but it failed, despite having 600,000 signatures in support of changing the state's legislation, the referendum failed. this exemplifies what was happening in this era, where the suffragists had to take on a state-by-state approach. there were no longer going for this amendment change that had been proposed in the 1870's. or the judiciary changes. they were actually trying to do a full court process state-by-state. but it was not going very well and was very frustrating. congress is not supporting women's cause here. you can see how can she vote when the f

joe biden's african american support is weak.e has lower african americans support overall than hillary clinton did in 2016. they did not turn out for her the way they had for obama. among african-americans who are gotger, 18 to 29, he only 68% support, 17 points below hillary clinton. the african-american community support for joe biden is soft. in the 2016 convention -- campaign, donald trump went to charlotte, north carolina and said the african american community -- i will fight for you whether you vote for me or not. what the republicans were doing was showing in the convention last night he has done that. he has delivered. he produced the lowest unemployment rate in history before the pandemic it. foranent support historically black colleges, which ae years barack obama did not have time to do. criminal justice reform which barack obama did not have time to do. record totrong present to the african-american community. they may look at that and say i don't need to support joe biden. smallhe is able to win a fraction of the a

and african-americans were suffragists. if you come with me now, we're going to talk about one of the major african-american suffragists who was francis ellen watkins harper. and gave a speech in which she said we're all bound up together. she was trying to explain to people that she's also an african-american and a woman combined. bound up together. it's intersectional. black women couldn't sit around and let people take away their rights and not advocate for them. so they became active in church groups and they really worked on learning how to speak in public, understanding their rights, understanding how to get those rights by their local communities, by being involved in those local community church groups. and that's a that not a lot of have gone into or understand as much, so people do understand that the suffrage movement was divided, but they don't understand that african-americans remained very active and so this exhibition endeavors to make sure we include african-americans and their stories like sarah parker ramo

african-american women were doing lots and lot of activism. even though they were still excluded from the national american women's suffrage association which the two fractions we were talking about in the beginning in 1870 when the suffrage movement divided, they had come back together in 1892, and so they then moved forward with great force and good strategies. they're doing still the state by state strategy, but they're also excluding african-americans the whole time. so my point is these women were not just sitting around you know waiting on the sidelines. they were being very, very active in and of themselves within their own groups and their own societies and their own local communities. we're standing in front of a banner that's carried by ann in 1911. the writing is actually an excerpt of scripture called the glorious line written in 1871 by the british dean of canterbury. what i liked about this banner is how it has that sense of spiritually that i think was so important to the suffragists during the first up through the 19 teens and

will african-americans there. why do african-americans dominate and boxing but not wrestling? so then you look at the data set the popular stereotype is based falls apart after the tiniest bit of scrutiny. if they are biologically better at sprint athletics track and field why is there an absence and short distance swimming? all of these ideas fall apart once you take them apart. but at the same time they are popular because they serve the narrative about athleticism in the physicality of the enslaved. but this is a classic example of structural racism built into our culture. so this was accounted for in a paper a couple years ago by sociologist who analyze 3000 comments in the mainstream media about the elite athletes. and with that physicality or the athleticism and the vast majority of cases where the why athlete was referred to in same proportion with the industriousness and intelligence so structural racism beginning that european expansionism with the slave trade that is so rooted in our culture we still don't talk about the intelligence of white people. it's kind of the

it was african-americans, african-american women and alleys of african-american stood up strong and said this time you've got to give a sister a chance. you have too many african-american women to just overlook them. so you have african-americans showing i think a level of determination. a level of discernment in who th this, a ticket that looks like obama biden and i think you can unlock the coalition once again. i was very, very concerned that we were going to have to try to explain to the african-american women who have held this party up and held this party together so many times that you know, you're just not good enough and when you have a donna brazile and others who are champions and warriors in this party saying not this time. give one of us a chance. a bunch of african-american men and others got behind that effort because they were right and i think they're going to be proven flight november. >> very interesting. i want to turn now to arlette because she also covers the biden campaign. a job that's bigger than one correspondent that can handle it. but i want to turn to her bec

african-americans often complain i can't speak for all black people, and african americans are often asked by whites to represent their tribe so i am not a tribal representative. however, i am telling a story. >> guest: >> host: we have a moment out of mobilization. after the death of george floyd and breonna taylor and other scum it's been claimed perhaps one of the largest demonstrations in the support of black lives in the history of this country and you giving some of that resistance and we return to this theme again and again in the book white supremacy rising and falling, it rises and falls and rises again and subsequent are left with infections in the past. it's part of this reckoning much of your work seems to be asking us to do. can you talk about why you think it's important for whites to understand how they may, you have eluded to this and brilliantly in a "new york times" piece where you invoked this idea that the past is in you and you talk about well i will let you say it but they were trying to to say it's not the same as stopping and frisking today that there's a cert

not until the union leak club organized an african american regiment and 1864. they had to be trained on governors island. people were so petra fight of the idea of african americans arming themselves in what was essentially a white dominated town. african americans are eligible to serve in union forces officially bearing arms, at around the same time march, 1863 when congress legislated the desire of the immense, the expression of the emancipation -- open services to have hurricane americans. >> next question. is it not true that new york state contributed more soldiers and suffered more casualties than any other state during the civil war north or south? >> yes. 10% of the casualties came from the union casualties and from new york state. harry and norms and also -- new york for a tine escaped the destruction the south was visited upon because of initiating the war. the riot reminded people that the war could come to backyards in northern cities. new york's trust -- i always add was certainly the worst as you said in the beginning civil disturbance in the hist

she did not excite african-americans in the primary . she had her moments where she got to about second place in th polls, but never really caught on with voters in the democrati primary and even with african-american voters. that was never really, i don't know that we ever really understood why that was. african-american stayed solidly behind joe biden and in fact rescued his candidacy in the end . i think it's a solid safe pick and we will see how it works ou from your. >> the reactions are pouring in fast and furiously. >> i'm thrilled to welcome kamala harris to the democratic ticket. please join me in having her back getting her elected. this comes at a time this is th third woman of color we'd weed featured on the ticket. hillary clinton four years ago was at the top of the ticket, but in a prior moment the republicans under john mccain, certainly geraldine for our 1984 , but each time the ticket last. are not same because a woman wa on the ticket, they were obviously other circumstances, but the history isn't good on this. democra