they're looking at african-american males. and as professor nogueira said, they have very specific needs. and so how this is working is looking at them as individuals, looking at the issues that they face as african-american males in oakland. the fear that teachers have of them or shop owners have of them or as president obama said, the doors that lock as they walk by. that's a very different life that they lead than, say, a latina female. her issues that land her at the bottom of the achievement gap are very different. so looking at this, what they call targeted universalism, is trying to identify the needs of these kids. so it's jobs. it's confidence. it's mentors. it's role models. it's father of coursefigures. giving them those things that they need as african-american males is what the district is trying to do now and that is very different than the no child left behind approach of, okay, just throw money at everyone at the bottom of the achievement gap and see what happens. >> let me ask you about that. for people who lo

when a couple of african-african- american women responded to an ad for a civilian position at an army camp in 1942, they received letters telling them to report to work. when they arrived at the facility they were told they could not be expected. the commanding officer at the camp told them it wasn't known when the letters were sent that the recipients were black. although they had passed government tests as machine operators he explained they cannot be used in such a capacity. in 1943 and east coast war plan to explained why managers couldn't higher african-american women who applied for jobs. the work required the handling of small mechanisms and all the black women had sweaty hands. in 1940 3a spokesperson at a wall to more were planned toll black women who had applied for work that women just do not have the intelligence necessary to do highly-skilled work. all of these companies have advertised their urgent need for workers. many were benefiting from huge government contracts. confronted with such stark racism it would have been understandable if these women had given up but thou

we, the african-american community have the optic. the african-american boy minding his own business walking and talking on the cell phone had just come from the store. a few minutes later, he's dead. >> yes. >> there ought to be some way the society and judicial system said we have to acknowledge that and represent that. >> right. >> that is the racial component of it. the other side of that is the due process component of it. >> uh. >> and that is the criminal justice system n. this case, the prosecution was not able to prove it was second-degree murder. frankly, i thought they overcharged the case. it was clear to me as soon as the case occurred and i saw that george w. bush had -- george zimmerman had a laceration on the back of the head and a bloody nose, that meant to me there was a fight. because there is a fight, doesn't mean you get to kill the person. >> right. >> exactly. the question is did you start the fight? were you the aggressor? did you try to withdraw and what happened here is the prosecution did not play to its str

the naacp did a poll of african-american -- likely african-american voters in key swing states.rs if the republican party supported social justice issues in some sort of way, would you be more likely to vote for the republicans and they said yes. >> you're older than this, but you remember the lone ranger and tonto. he says me thinks he speaks with forked tongue. here's a guy that does. reince priebus. he spoke about the 50th anniversary of the march on washington. listen to what he said. then i'll tell you what he's doing. >> just think about what this means for our party, what lessons we can learn, what i can learn as chairman of the party. you know, you can't make the sale if you don't show up and ask for the order, right? our party has a rich, proud history of equality, freedom, opportunity. but we don't tell our story anymore. we've lost the history of this party. because we don't tell it. but we're going to. >> okay. here's the story, reince. the story is they've spent an enormous amount of time getting three dozen states to run voter suppression efforts. in pennsylvania t

one of the social factors that african-americans face. to me the principal drivers are the failure of corporate america to hire enough african-americans that are qualified. failure of african-americans to get access to small businesses which is a great engine for creating employment. and also a legacy of long-term institutionalize institutionalized. the wealth gap is -- in addition african-american median income is 1/10th that of white americans. and when you add all of the dislocations in the economy, not all of them caused in any way by the recession, but a big part of them. global composition and other things in terms of u.s. manufacturing and business. african-americans are usually the last hired and the first fired. >> do you think it's a skin color issue rather than a performance jewish? >> i've been convinced all my life. i've been in business all my life, i've been quite successful as you might know. i will tell you this, there are millions of african-americans who have the talent, the work ethic, the integrity, the ingenuity to b

african americans they're looking for them.ow i don't know whether i don't know if there is racism in oil industry or wampking industry. i don't know. i can't make definite statements about it. but it's interesting your point of view. that is why we wanted to have you on tonight. >> we'd like to remind to you check out bill owe rileo' rileo's-o'reilly's column this week. later congressman wrangle says very outrageous things about white people, i would be offended if it wasn't one fifth ewok. now, the white house trying to forth a mommy state complete with a nudge squad. stay tuned. ♪ don't tell mom. don't tell mom. don't tell mom! don't tell mom. okay. don't tell mom. don't tell mom. don't tell mom? yeah. the best stories you'll ever tell start with, don't tell." don't tell dad. start yours in the new santa fe. from hyundai. car insurance companies say they'll save you by switching, you'd have like, a ton of dollars. but how're they saving you those dollars? a lot of companies might answer "um" or "no comment." then there's esu

in the african-american community. then what took over, the african-american family broke apart, grandmothers took over taking care of the kids. we're about to see the end of that, they're getting a lot older now, can't take care of the kids. the idea of the rampant number of children by mothers with multiple fathers, none of whom get child support, shouldn't say none, most of them don't. it is a real serious problem. i'm not sure there is an answer to it. what is the answer to it? >> leaders get up there on a day like today and address it, say look, african-american fathers, you have to stay home. you have to help raise the children. they have to hear that from them. >> the answer is that it is not a political team versus team thing, these are all values we share, a family structure is better than no family structure, it is common sense, it is not racist to point that out. the left says pointing out family structure is superior to none is somehow bigoted. the other point i want to make about clinton, he talked about a

talking to me, as an african- american what i will tell you, the census saying african- american or irish american or scottish american, whatever, it doesn't matter. when i walk down the street and someone sees me the first thing they are going to see is a black woman. if they look automatic or you, they're not going to say, there's a jewish american, there's an irish american. you see race and we identify with it. and quite frankly, the election of barack obama i think was one of the greatest political events i will ever see in my lifetime but the country has become more race conscious in terms of color, and in terms of ethnicity since he was elected. the national debate on race in light of the jury verdict in the trayvon martin case absolutely demonstrated it. our discussions about immigration refinancial and the place of hispanics in american culture absolutely non straight that when it comes to race, when it comes to ethnicity and people of color we have a long way to go. are black men lynched every day like they were in 1963 -- in the 1960's and 1950s? no. is alabama still bomb nothi

assisted by the south african peace parks foundation, the 5 african countries of angola, botswana, namibia, zambia, and zimbabwe agree in august 2011 to create the kavango zambezi transfrontier conservation area. called the kaza park, it is 29 million hectares, an area about the size of italy. this new plan creates a framework to protect and share these nations' precious water resources and combines the interests of wildlife and people toward a common goal. >> the big objectives of the tca and of the peace parks foundation is to facilitate a process where you look at the management of integrated ecosystems across international boundaries. >> the foundation is a facilitator for a dialogue between all of the stakeholders in the region. >> we hope governments in each of those countries initiate a process where you bring together private sector, communities, and government around one time and say, "ok. what do you think is the future of this area?" >> this integrated approach to conservation is vital for semiarid countries facing the combined challenges of food and water security at a time of

, he is the most african country in the caribbean. the idea of its religion is when you die you will return to guinea because they still remember africa, its art, inspired by african. haiti is a country of a thousand proverbs of when african proverbs have been forgotten throughout the diaspora and haiti is a country that knows its history, that invites the almost a anger of western society and particularly in france, they remember jean ja u jacques dessaline. i went to school in jamaica to speak to high school students in jamaica not far from haiti and i a; tiew santa lieu v.a. cure went up, and not a hand went up. i asked if they knew who snoop dogg was, and all hands shot up. they knew nothing of the story or of people who whom we owe so much. but it still seems to gall the united states and western communities. so for that reason i am suspicious of our embrace of haiti. and it bothers me, and it is extreme to say what i said. but sometimes one has to wonder if they would be better off if network left them alone -- if america left t

>> i'm an african-american woman and each is an important issue to me. at that time in 1963, the barriers that were presented before me were because i was an african-american in a segregated city. i also know that part of my history as an african-american is that women within my culture were not cavity aside. if it weren't for rosa parks or ella baker, or countless other women, there wouldn't have been a movement, and i don't believe that any of them were looked down upon. it's just that dr. king was dr. king. he was the person who grabbed the microphone and was. he's the one who galvanized the larger movement. i really think that it's a mistake, perhaps in other communities, where the men have not been oppressed, maybe it's seen as more important to say that in 1963, women should have been there than it would be for someone from a community where you just couldn't go to the same schools, you couldn't ride the same buses, you were getting thrown in jail, beaten, fire hoses, police dogs, the whole nine yards, not because you were a woman, but because you

many of whom are african-american and latino. in asian from different countries. who've never had an ipad before. that was the first day they began to load their homework on ipads. they began to understand and sense they are part of today's new economy and new jobs. they will get those skill sets so that the twitters and the zingers and the salesforces were higher than in a few short years. they become part of economic justice in san francisco. they received their very first because in recognition of everything that's going on in education, all the struggles that we had before, our middle schools are not caught up yet. all 12 middle schools now have those computer sets for the first time in the history of our school district. we're making that commitment. we're delivering on those promises for everybody. we want this city to be the city for the 100% and ultimately, one of th

an organization of african-americans advocating for human rights in africa and people of african dissent. we talked to him on the program in depth. this is three hours. >> host: what does america owe blacks? >> guest: well, it owes them an acknowledgment of what happened. we don't like to talk about that in the states. even blast history month. there's a truncated version of what woodson had in mind. now it starts in slavely and moves forward and cuts us all from any access to african history. which was not what woodson intended. and so we obviously owe the value of our hire to those people who suffered so much and their families who dissented from those people who worked for 246 years for nothing. we owe them something for that. we owe them the story. we have been asked to expect that people can survive in good sound, psychology health. ashes and obliterated history. when i was a dmield richmond, virginia, we used to have a phrase that we used all the time from here to tim. but nobody knew what it was. nobody knew the providence of the world. didn't know where it was. didn't know it was

three quarters of everyone arrested, three quarters of everyone arrested is african-american. so we need to really be looking at this issue, marijuana incarceration, marijuana prosecution in a very different way going forward, in perfect the editorial concluded the only thing you could conclude about these statistics is that the use of marijuana arrests could only be classified as, quote, h full of racial oppression. editorial board, new york times. so we need to really be thinking about these issues. also, let me do one really important thing. we are in a beautiful facility, this has been made possible by our board members from this great law firm, i want to thank mr. andy moog. i don't know if he is still here, he was here earlier but i want to thank him. [applause] >> i want to thank the law firm for having us here day. i also want to remind everybody, we have been talking about the voting rights act over and over again, the lawyers committee, huge issue, if you want to know how to get involved, how to help out, text voting rights, text voting rights to 313131 and you would

king's dream, but we know that the first african-american president is that. regardless of policy or the politics that happens in that tough town that you love so well, the emotion of seeing that is something that cannot be disputed through any fact. it is the reality that he is the first african-american president to walk down those stairs and follow in the footsteps of dr. martin luther king jr. >> well, that's right. of course, you're telling the good part of the story. i'm not sure it's my job to repeat that. >> well, that's the great part of the story on this 50th anniversary, isn't it? >> well, let me tell you, when you study the speech of dr. king here 50 years ago, the first part of the speech was a tough indictment of a promissory note, the emancipation proclamation issued in 1963. he said five score years later i'm coming to collect it, but it's a bad check so far. and we're not going to put up with this waiting period anymore. so the other part of the speech at the end was about i have a dream. but the tough indictment in the first half was to the w

my mom sent me a text about my dad who is african-american.d to freak my out so much about whether you were eating watermelon in public, so turned it into melon balls. he had angst in the south, stereotyping. consistent relationship and communication with an african-american person who was part of that process. i'm wondering if there's a difficulty when you're dealing with adoption where people are often acting out of love and compassion but not necessarily out of knowledge. >> that's right. my parents clearly acted out of love and compassion. in fact, they raised us to be color-blind. they thought that was a reality that we could live by. it wasn't until i was in my 20s and i met folks of color that i really went through a really serious identity crisis. i moved to africa. >> came back and worked for reverend sharpton. >> so but i think the most important thing is what we're doing at this table. we're discussing our commonalities and differences. that is the key. you, rachel, have really embraced black culture and it's phenomenal and i admire

. >> it was a time in peru when the africans were prohibited from playing or making instruments. >> (speaking spanish). >> so they were forced to make their own instruments. >> (speaking spanish). >> so they use the surroundings and big jars and they used to have water or other type was drinks. >> (speaking spanish). >> covered with leather skin. >> (speaking spanish). >> and they make the drums. >>. >> (speaking spanish). (drums). (applause). >> (speaking spanish). >> this instrument is called dungo. >> spr (speaking spanish). >> we have two but only one was used. >> (speaking spanish). >> this is one that was used north of the capital. >> (speaking spanish). >> in the cities of the country >> (speaking spanish). >> when he was a child he was able to see those instruments and on extension today. (drums). (applause) . >> this is a donkey's jaw. it could be a horse or a donkey. >> donkey's jaw. >> and it's played by spiking it and to make the rattle sound and also creates this. (applause). >> (speaking spanish) sorry. (speaking spanish). >> this is the kahita and it is created as the -

maya was talking about the president's lack of comfort dealing with the african american community.do you agree that he seems uncomfortable? >> i think it's difficult for him to speak openly about racial disparities. >> why is that? >> i think there is a concern about backlash of forces in the country and the president's desire to try to navigate a course that does not engender that backlash. these times are different, the president has now been reaffirmed twice. i understand the special burdens that the presidential carries as a pioneer. a pioneer who is being intently watched by all the people all the time. but i do think that at this stage, the march on washington and the president's remarks in connection with the commemoration provide an opportunity, yet another opportunity to more directly address the disparities and those who are locked out and indeed left out. so while i might say i don't agree all the time with how the president has pursued it, as someone who has served in elected office and had to nag gate through difficult mine fields, i have an understanding of the politi

african-americans are americans.el like, part of what represent progress is that question should no longer be asked. it is the same thing as saying, nobody ever asked the lbgtq kmubikmu community, they are americans. it is always to me a moot point. but it speaks to the ways in dh both historically and presently african-americans were segregated. part of the legacy of the march, i think, for the people, less for politician is, and more for us a. >> a people, is how do we learn about the real work of the civil rights movement. that was the power of coalitions. how do you bring different coalitions together in order to advocate what martin luther king, jr.'s speech was about. which was not a dream, but a plan. >> tavis smiley, especially critical of the president's record. not just leader of the african-american community but leader of american general. he wrote, i hope obama rises to the challenge to be truly king-like, not just king-lite. has the president in some way, bob, invited criticism by speaking from the same

that would say without reserve to its disadvantage to its involuntary victims to native americans to african-africanericans to the wretchedly poor of all colors stripes tongues and religions that your country wronged you in separate and discrete ways, gronke with horrific and lingering consequences, wronged you in some cases from long ago and for a very long time, to a degree that would morally compel any civilized nation serious and sustained attention. >> guest: we don't want to talk about it. we still don't want to talk about it. we run from it. we now call it victimization, so it's not to be raised. it's a sad truth. >> host: why did you leave the country? >> guest: well i was as much going to a place as leaving a place. i have been going to st. kitts in the caribbean for 25 years, and it's a small island. it is made for someone like me who doesn't like big crowded places, big cities. it's an exquisitely beautiful place with mountains and clear blue water and a kind of smallness that allows the kind of intimacy you seldom go downtown and don't see someone that you know. but the biggest piece of

all the laws after reconstruction to keep african-americans from voting were democrats. orel who stood in the hallway of central high school, he was a democrat. the guy to let the black children in school, that was eisenhower. >> i'm going to save gene his breath. the party was comprised of totally different forces at that time and had different leadership. hey, a florida gop operative spoke to "the palm beach post" after the 2012 election on the condition of anonymity, but remarkably candid. he acknowledged that voting reforms in florida, like cutting back on sunday voting, were designed to curtail the african-american vote. here's what he said. quote, i know that the cutting out of the sunday before election day was one of their targets only because that's a big day when the black churches organize themselves. that's what he said. gene, unquestionably accurate insofar as that is a critical day for mobilizing the vote in black churches. >> yeah. that has become kind of the traditional day for getting black voters out to the polls. and look, if black voters are going to

it's african-american precincts.ill this feeling, there's still a form of segregation that has been i guess sub segregation. >> yes, there's a lot of subsegregation, particularly in the south, and in addition to self-segregation, we know the south is mainly red states. what we're mainly seeing in the south, but quite frankly all over the country, i think the largest impediment we'll see in the future to seeing more african-americans in congress is the ability of black people to actually vote. we're seeing the tide turn back to everything that we fought against. people fought against 50 years ago. it is happening over and over again. we see it in texas. we see it in north carolina. >> i got to bring up what colin powell did yesterday. and colin powell goes down. probably a paid speech. i don't know this. i'm assuming. speaking in front of business leaders. does his usual shtick. then he just unloads on what north carolina did. and it seemed to silence a room that was probably filled with more republicans than democrat

you should be 44% african-american in district 10 -- district 11 i'm sorry. that was in the 1990 census. now we're a population of 4%. how can we have 65% african-american incarcerated but we have the aggressive leaders in our community? we have coalitions that are beautiful, all of the coalitions and everything, but when it come to the the african-american they're doing this, doing that. all of this negativity. we want the leadership to stand up for the people who have been stepped on the most. how can i give him a job if i ain't got a job? that's the problem. that's what they're talking about in district 11. they all fight for funding because they need jobs in order to give the kids a helping hand so this has been a revolving door. we talk about economics and equity and inclusion but when we go to somebody with a contract and get help. well, you know politically i can't help you and all this nonsense but you can go outside this county and other districts and we get help, but i mean we are in that part and african-americans are melting away. if we put the em

thatyour existence mean africa and african economies and african markets are maturing? >> most definitely. not only are they maturing, but they are starting to understand the importance of the interest banks and the importance of good governance actually. although africa becomes very attractive in terms of investment based on the high return that investment can actually expect from the investment in africa, there is also risk. people want to make sure that, even if the return is high, they want to make sure that they invest where they can mitigate the risks. this is something that has been clearly stated to most borrowers in africa. worke have done a lot of on education. so they do understand that. so now we have a lot of people coming willingly to the credit rating to establish the credit quality. so the markets are definitely maturing. >> so you think the risk levels that come down in the past 10 years or so. havet necessarily they come down, but we have a better understanding of the risks. what investors want, they do not want to invest in the risk-free zone. they wa

is there a place for african-americans?what's missing more often is perspective that comes from a black mind or black voice or black sensibilities. >>> welcome back. many african-americans have responded to the lack of diversity in the mainstream media by creating their own space in the world of new media. here to discuss this are journalists lola ogunnaike, david wilson, managing editor of thegrio.com and nbc news and tv and web personality amanda diva. all have been in mainstream outlets, nbc, "new york times." what is it like to be behind the scenes, being the only person, the raisin in the buttermilk. you can write that. what's it like? >> i think at nbc, there is definitely -- they get it a lot more. they understand it. you need to be more diverse, particularly in the newsroom. nobody is perfect but i think there is a good mix and i'm in those big meetings when they are deciding what stories are going to go out and what's going to happen in the day. i think it's very important. i think, look, america is diverse, as we

the percentage of unemployed african americans remains almost double. african american unemployment is much higher almost 13%. dr. simms let's start with you. is this a stark sign that these inequalities have not changed? >> i think if you look at the numbers in the aggregate inequality has not changed but there has been quite a bit of change in terms of opportunity for african americans who are fortunate enough to get an education, a good education. we have seen movement for black women for example from domestic work into more pink collar and office work. >> which contains some dangers itself. >> indeed, even though they have moved into these jobs their pay is not equal of that of white women who have entered into those jobs in greater numbers than they were in the 1960s. we have also seen movement into management positions and of course an example in the private sector just like you know president obama is our first african american president, we've had presidents of major corporations ceos who were african americans. >> we do see some change doctor b

that would free african-americans from the shackles of poverty and discrimination and free all of us from the reality of segregation that was as routine as was immoral. in many parts of the country. in 1963. just eight weeks after the martian washington, college students right here in san francisco engaged in a massive sick and of a tiger on gary boulevard, for its utter failure to hire african-americans invisible jobs at the restaurant. so students won that fight and carried it onto retail stores throughout downtown san francisco and students from northern and western cities put their lives on the line for the cause in towns across the south a year later in freedom summer time making 64. the cause in 1963 was both economic opportunity and racial equality. racial equality was then and is incomplete today. without economic opportunity. economic opportunity is incomplete without racial equality and fairness. the power of the people unleashed in 1963 how to bring about action in washington and a five-year span of civil rights victories and progress unparalleled and long overdue in our a