the spanish arm the africans? is well, i'll just tell you what london believed. i don't necessarily subscribe to this thesis because it has some questionable religious overtones, but i'll repeat it in any case because i repeat it in the book. london felt that the spanish had to arm the africans because of religious reasons. that is to say, there's a religious cold war that's taking place between protestant london and catholic madrid and to a degree, catholic paris. and londoners felt that because the spanish were admitting so many men into the priesthood and thereby removing them from the possibility of wielding arms that today -- they had no choice but to arm africans. and this was putting pressure on britain to do the same. particularly when britain began to fight the spanish over control of native americans' land on the northern coast of south america in the city now known today as cartagena where approximately 1740, 1741 the british were administered a stinging defeat not least because the spanish had armed af

and so african-americans had land. and the third group were -- there were many african-americans who after coming out of slavery were able to purchase their own land later on. you have african-americans who have some land in the south. and land historically in america has been seen as the basis of wealth. washington's saying if we can make this land functional and work for us we can establish an economic base. and if we establish an economic base the political and social arenas of life will be easier to achieve. political rights will follow. social rights will follow once we get an economic base. washington in fact here is looking at the example that immigrants already had performed. right? had already established. they come in and usually within a generation or so they'd establish their own economic foundation, their own economic bases, their communities, et cetera. washington is looking at immigrants and saying black people can do that too. right? of course, that's little bit short-sided as we criticize washington an

and so african-americans had land. and the third group were -- there were many african-americans who after coming out of slavery were able to purchase their own land later on. you have african-americans who have some land in the south. and land historically in america has been seen as the basis of wealth. washington's saying if we can make this land functional and work for us we can establish an economic base. and if we establish an economic base the political and social arenas of life will be easier to achieve. political rights will follow. social rights will follow once we get an economic base. washington in fact here is looking at the example that immigrants already had performed. right? had already established. they come in and usually within a generation or so they'd establish their own economic foundation, their own economic bases, their communities, et cetera. washington is looking at immigrants and saying black people can do that too. right? of course, that's little bit short-sided as we criticize washington an

it is always all about the courts with african-american right and lgbt rights. here is the naacp without the '40s and '50s. here it is in 1911, 1916 and so on and how they are like how do we fight for rights still believing in a just system and they will do public opinion and make interim and don't change much but they do it. then they try the political system and that doesn't change the game but it is important. and congress, too. and then they go to court. so one of the take aways is that movements and struggles for justice need not to focus on one specific institution. here the naacp in 1909 and 1911 working with all of the institution and not focused on one. it is maybe this time the presidency will create what we need, maybe the courts will, or maybe the congress will. and they were going to go with whoever was like there is going to be some type of protection but it wasn't a matter of let's focus on court and creating legislation. i think the naacp with very little resources were able to create sustained change and i think that movements today need to focu

if i had a dime for every story i hear from africans about african-americans, they got independentlylthy writing about those horror stories. do you have stories about learning to get along with and embrace african-americans in this country? >> no. i am sorry to disappoint. >> i'm glad to hear that. i'm not disappointed at all. i have heard so many. >> i guess -- here's the thing. you know, african-americans are american. and there are certain things that one can generalize about americans. it's a general, i think it has to be said, an ignorance about the world. people, you come from a different part of the world. you are like, what? nigeria? is that near honduras? i think often africans expect african-americans to somehow know more than others just because we lookalike. surely, you must know about africa. they are americans and they don't. no, i have -- i really don't. i had really good friends who are african-american and maybe has something to do with i came here to school. i had many friends in undergrad and friends in grad school. the conversations we have had are not always comf

so, african americans had land. the the third group many african who afte americans, after coming out of slavery, were able to purchase land later on. you have african americans who have have land in the south. land historically, says if we can make this work for us establish an economic base, the political and the social arenas of life will be easier to achieve. social rights will f once we get an economic base. warve wash is looking at the examine that immigranted are ormed. already had performed. already established.ready come n use it within a generation or so that staeped h thei their own economics foundation.own ec basis, communities, et cetera. washington is looking at an do th immigrants, saying black people can do that too. that sell a little bit short say sided, we say, he is looking at immigrants, saying black people the can do the same thing. why these people came in here ast speak immigrants, didn't speak the w language, didn't know anything about american society within one generation they started selv

you're african american, it's like, okay, and then what? so what am i supposed to do with that information? you know, where do i go with that? i'm a minority, it's not like we're not -- we're clearly not going to have an armed revolution to seize any power. so what, then? you're telling me this, but what am i then supposed to do? it's terrifying, it's terrifying all around and it's not even terrifying because we're americans. i think if i spent any amount of time in any country, all countries have sins in their past and getting states to confront those sins honestly and directly is really, really hard. the one example that people often put up is germany. they say, well germany was really able to confront its past. the difference is germany killed off 80-90% of the jews who lived there. so they didn't have jews alive as active political actors to use that history. it's very easy, you know, to apologize for something when there's no one there to draw any sort of consequence from it, directly from you, in your country, to be part of your polit

but it was african-americans themselves who were fleeing to it was african-americans who always focusedtion of the dred scott decision, who always drew their inspiration from the "all men are created equal" language from the declaration of independent and who pushed the debate forward to epancepation, yes. but beyond -- emancipation, yes, but beyond to the rights of black people in the public. the arguments of white radical republican like sumner, wade, +% ellis, and stevens owed a great deal to blacks' decades' long attempts to push the declaration of independence to the %h!ñforet of american political discoursep thus it was african-americans who helped to bring about a fundamental shift in american notion of rights. from the rights that tawny had discussedzr@1y in dred scott, t rights of slaveholders, to the rights of enslaved persons. tawny had relied on the fifth amendment of the constitution to emphasize the rights of property. but african-americans looked to the declaration of independence to champion the rights of all human beings. the passing of taney, the revolutionary nature o

men could vote, where about a third of the louisiana legislature was african-american, where african-americansare serving in government positions, serving on juries and in new orleans on the police force. the reconstruction governor integrates the new orleans police force. these are african-american members of the louisiana legislature during reconstruction.y#b and they were about a third of the membership of that body. here is african-american -- pictures of african-american men in louisiana voting after the military reconstruction act of 1867. and then the 15th amendment. and here is a black policeman in new orleans, a couple of depictions of black policemen in new orleans. you can see the caption from the man who wrote this book. the polite but consequential negro policeman. they were on the street with full authority to arrest white people for many whites in new orleans, it was almost too much to bare, a world turned upside down in a short time because of the civil war. this is a critical depiction of the new orleans legislature -- of the louisiana legislature at the time where the critics

he was the first african-american ever elected to the senate by popular vote and he was the first african-americano serve in the senate since reconstruction. so ed brooke was first elected in 1956 in the senate by massachusetts which was 97% white at the time. brooke was a republican, liberal republican and also a protesta protestant. in a state that was overwhelmingly white, overwhelmingly democratic and brooks pulled it off winning in 66 and he won again in 72 and he was the only african-american to be reelected to the senate until cory booker i guess. he had a remarkable political career. as you suggest to be relied upon the white voters and because he was a republican there are many african-americans of a moral radical who thought of brooke as too moderate and so when the kerner commission was formed after the urban riots of 1967 a lot of people said hey weighed the only good african-americans on the commissioner wilkinson broke. the irony was the conclusion that the commission came to was as damning of white america, as damning of white institution has any radical himself or herself. the kern

this not an african-american museum for african american -- i want a staff that is diverse. this is not in our american museum for african americans. i hope all americans to embrace this as their story. >> is there a year you're willing to say this will be open? >> i'm willing to say i'm working to get this done in a decade. >> 2006. you are talking 2015? 2016? 2018? >> i will be 62. i want to get this thing up so i it'stime to make sure growing pains are behind it. it is on the path we want it to be. then i can go away and teach. we have had individuals and corporations and we have begun to work with some foundations. >> where would you say the money is at the moment? how much do you think you have pledged? >> at this stage it is hard to tell. we're going through a lot with working with the foundations. michael would be to kick this off in a formal -- my goal would be to kick this off in a formal launch several years down the road. >> the opportunity to get in on the beginning of one of the most important institutions. the opportunity to help us preserve african-american cu

african-americans had a different reading of this case. rather than focusing on the question of slave holders' rights, they zeroed in on the issue of black rights, their rights. taney's bold claim that blacks had no rights that the white man was found to respect became somewhat of a rallying point for the growing group of northern black activists who sought not only to end slavery but also to advance the aspirations of black people throughout the united states. it may well have been the most offensive phrase and the one that had the most galvanizing effect on a segment of the population in the history of the supreme court. in 1858, a year after the issuing of tawney's opinion at the suffrage convention of the colored citizens of new york, african-american leaders made clear exactly what they thought of tawney's opinion. playing off tawney's language, they held that, quote, the dred scott decision is a foul and infamous lie which neither black men nor white men are bound to respect. the assembled delegates expressed particular outrage at ta

for people of african decent.s argument is if people of african decent are going to plosrosper and go immobile they must do so through independence. the way you get there are the(çjut values that he has already displayed in the route to becoming president of the institute. students building for a building at the institute they are physically saying that it becomes known and& the business itself and the training of students to be brick masons and bring them to run.+ the businesses in america. they can't wait for the students to graduate. before they have jobs. they are running stuff. they have the economic model and the call of washington. the prolific use of these resources for the students as well as his accommodationist discourse, washington became known as the creator of what the folks called the machine. they referred to it as the machine. washington at the institute speaking. he was a prolific speaker. one thing that many don't realize about booker t washington is he was a licensed preacher. he had gone to se

church, an african-american congregation.ou'll see that with other churches on this map as well. what this shows us is how the race and concept of racial congregation permeated every aspect of life in a place like birmingham and every part of united states at that time. this map was not created to show us where the segregational lines were but even on something created for the purposes of insurance companies, fire departments and so forth, it was considered important to identify the race of people and places. and so that has been done here. we're back in the main reading room at downtown birmingham public library. we're going to look at documents from our collection today focusing specifically on the story of race and the struggle for civil rights in america. even though birmingham did not exist during the annebellum period, you can't begin this story without at the issue of race and slavery. we put up two documents from the fondale plantation. it was locateded in the -- established in the 1880s by thomas and louisa harrison.

men could vote, where about a third of the louisiana legislature was african-american, where african-americans are serving in government positions, serving on juries and in new orleans on the police force. the reconstruction governor integrates the new orleans police force. these are african-american members of the louisiana legislature during reconstruction. and they were about a third of the membership of that body. here is african-american -- pictures of african-american men in louisiana voting after the military reconstruction act of 1867. and then the 15th amendment. and here is a black policeman in new orleans, a couple of depictions of black policemen in new orleans. you can see the caption from the man who wrote this book. the polite but consequential negro policeman. they were on the street with full authority to arrest white people for many whites in new orleans, it was almost too much to bare, a world turned upside down in a short time because of the civil war. this is a critical depiction of the new orleans legislature -- of the louisiana legislature at the time where the critics o

force against african-americans, minorities. 57% of african-american police officers thought african-americans and other minorities were given unequal treatment. 5% of white officers thought african-american minorities were given unequal treatment. it's interesting to see that difference in perception even among police officers. >> that's interesting. that definitely is. i don't know how they ran the survey. i don't know the questions they were asked. but i can't dispute it in any way. all i know is from my experience and what i've seen. there's some bad cops out there. of course there are. you know? >> it about racism or implicit bias tests are done and you can take the test online and just peoples' inherent instant gut level reactions when they see somebody of a different race, when they see somebody of their own race, do you think it is as clear cut as somebody's racist? >> well, i think that we often make the mistake of believing that racism is sort of a conscious decision. that there are police officers who get up everyday just with an insatiable appetite for the blood of young black men.

he was the first african-american ever elected to the senate by popular vote in the first african-american serve in the senate since reconstruction. so ed burke was first elected in 1966 by massachusetts which was 97% white at the time and brook was a republican, a liberal republican and also a protestant in a state that was overwhelmingly white, overwhelmingly democratic in overwhelmingly catholic. but brook pulled it off winning in 66 and he won again in 72 and he was the only african-american to be reelected to the senate until cory booker i guess. so he had a remarkable career go -- political career. as you suggested he relied on white voters and because he was a republican there were many african-americans of a more radical ilk who thought of burkas to moderate and so when the kerner commission was formed after the urban riots of 1967 a lot of people said hey wait the people said hey wait the only two african-americans on the commission are -- and brook but the irony was the conclusion they came to as damning of white america as damning as white institution is any radical would have o

african-americans had a different reading of this case. rather than focusing on the question of slave holders' rights, they zeroed in on the issue of black rights, their rights. taney's bold claim that blacks had no rights that the white man was found to respect became somewhat of a rallying point for the growing group of northern black activists who sought not only to end slavery but also to advance the aspirations of black people throughout the united states. it may well have been the most offensive phrase and the one that had the most galvanizing effect on a segment of the population in the history of the supreme court. in 1858, a year after the issuing of tawney's opinion at the suffrage convention of the colored citizens of new york, african-american leaders made clear exactly what they thought of tawney's opinion. playing off tawney's language, they held that, quote, the dred scott decision is a foul and infamous lie which neither black men nor white men are bound to respect. the assembled delegates expressed particular outrage at ta

but in the north, african-americans could vote and they did so.ey built their urban political machines in chicago and brooke lynn and new york city and harlem of course. in some instances, they built multiracial -- if you had a city where you voted by district as you've often did, you know, a place like harlem where you have the vast black majority, you could elect your own and send them to office and deputy mayor of new york often became a position held by african-americans. .. >> host: we have to skip over, unfortunately, a lot of stuff in your book and a lot of history, putting the racial riots that scared america and frightened everybody, and led to the report of which there were two african-americans. they were ed burke and roy wilkins was the executive execue director of the naacp, my other mentor. but something about the report that was acquired by lbj that suggested that there was something about the civil disorder in terms of the explanation for them. roy wilkins summarized along extenze report and he said white americans had to learn tha

we know the sad reality for african-american men. one in three african-americans can expect to be incarcerated at some point unless we make a change. when you hear about police violence, trust me. i was mayor of a great american city. it was challenging and complicated, a constant battle to keep my community safe. these were nuanced the shoes. we struggle with them. we know that right now there are 6.5 million people arrested against 2.6 african-americans arrested in a year. blacks and whites, violent crime, not violent crime, 6.5 versus 2.6 white to black, now someone who is african-american according to data quoted by my republican colleagues, time magazine, 21 more times more likely to be shot dead by a police officer. african-americans, 21 more times more likely to be shot dead by police officer so i ain't wishy over the fact that my country has been evolve into a dedicated acts of black-and-white through slavery, through jim crow, but i find myself a senator at a time we have an ironic reality. there are more african-americans n

he was born free to free african-americans in manchester, but african americans all over used these new programs and resources. i loved alfred powell did, too! >> we've been talking about page s and talking about boys. it was all boys up until 1939, when for a day, we had a girl by the name of jean cox, appointed by her father. she served for the opening day in 1939. and was paid the going rate of $4.00. it was a symbolic appointment. but we do not see girls entering the page program for another, more than 2030 years. not until 1973 when carl albert is speaker. he had become penpals with a young woman. who had come to the capitol and thought what a great opportunity. and saw they were all boys. and was told, we do not feel like this is the place for girls. >> and i at that age between six and seventh grade said that is not fair. so, he said, well, maybe we can do something about that. when i went back to school in the fall, i wrote loaders 00:38:14 albert. and wrote letters for many years. and finally, one day, when i was just about to graduate from high school i got a call from charlie

just like the story of african-american members.by the end of the 1800s, we go through a long period with no african-americans serving in the house as representatives. >> one of my favorite things about alfred powell is that although we don't have any images of him and very little information about what his page experience was, we found in the record of the friedman banks his deposit slips where he's taking his earnings as a page and depositing it in the earnings bank, which i find just fascinating and gripping because it's such an example of something set up specifically in the reconstruction, and even before the war ends, period to serve the economic needs of newly free african-americans. he was born free to free african-americans in manchester. but african-americans all over used new programs and resources, and i loved that alfred powell did too. >> so we had been talking about pages in the 19th and 20th century, and we've been talking about boys. and it was all boys. up until 1939 when briefly, for a day, we had a girl by the na

we know the sad reality for african-american men. one in three african-american males born today can expect to be incarcerated at some point unless we make change. and when you hear about police violence, trust me. i was a mayor of a great american city. it was challenging and complicated and a constant battle against crime to keep my community safe. these are nuanced issues. we struggled with them in newark. but we know right now that there are 6.5 million people, whites, arrested against about 2.6 million african-americans arrested in a year. that means blacks and whites. violent and nonviolent crime. 6.5 versus 2.6. white to black. but now someone who is african-american, according to data quoted by my republican colleague rand paul in "time" magazine, are 21 times more likely to be shot dead by a police officer, african-americans 21 times more likely to be shot dead by a police officer than someone white. so i anguish over this fact that my country has been evolving to the dedicated informant acts of black and white through slave

african-americans are part of this country. you can't speak out about immigration and speak out about all these other pressing social issues and not speak out about black lives mattering and not speak out in a policy way too. professor dyson, what we need when we think about social movements, creatively disruptive, morally impassioned, policy specific. body cameras for the police are not enough. we're talking about ending mass incarceration and we're talking about a new social contract between americans and the government. and that new social contract includes a greater great society, a newer new deal, real anti-poverty, a war on poverty and not a war on drugs and a war on poor black people who are put in prison by the hundreds of thousands as nonviolent drug offenders. >> well, look, that's an excellently stated point. there's a rally next week, protesters marching for mike brown and eric garner aren't anti-police they are against the practices that led to undue harassment from police. what is your reaction to the rallies desi

special representative and the central african republican, the general. move on now and five suspected of belonging to boko haram attacked a town in the northeast and a number of people said to be killed and wounded in the state and many people had already left for safer areas after neighboring towns were attacked. police officers and tribesmen in central iraq retaken the town located west of the ramadi city and had been under the control of the islamic state of iraq and lavant for a week and 22 i.s.i.l. fighters were killed in the operation. the president of iraq's kurdish region is promising to crush i.s.i.l. and made the comments as he met troops on mt. sinjar on sunday and they are facing the distance from sooil fighters in the town of sinjar and that it was far from cleared. to egypt with five members of the armed group have been killed by police. the fighters had pledged allegiance to i.s.i.l. and hiding in the providence northeast of cairo and the agent interior ministry said they stormed a building on sunday and suicide bombs, weapons and ammuniti

numbers of african-americans killed by african-americans. we don't look at the big issues like the failures of our school systems. out of ten potential points it could receive, it receives two. we don't look at the real fundamental issue. i don't know if we're ready to have this conversation, but we need to have this conversation because we spend too much time doing the same things, getting the same results which are having african-americans fall at the back of society's bus. >> ashley yates began by saying that americans at large are more aware of the state of play for african-americans. does that help us to start from the same play if we're going to start having some of these difficult debates? >> well, i think one of the issues that we have to put on the table is the identity of white america. if we have an identity problem which in my--the way i look at it philosophically is the hierarchy, in which people are supposed to be at the top and others are supposed to be at the bottom, and police officers are there to maintain the social hierar

we had no african-american's on that board.of five companies in america that has both african american, lat dean know and asian board members. >> corporate changes must start with board directors before change trickles down. >> it's one of the most segregated places in our society. we have seen huge changes in our country in 40, 50 years. but it is easier to elect a black man president of the united states than it is for about 150 companies to find a black man or woman to sit on their board. >> according to the 2014 black enterprise annual report on corporate directors, 30% of s&p 250 did not have a single black board member. >> they are self organizations and pick their members. >> even search firms can't. >> they do what their clients tell them. i don't think they'll say don't bring me these people. they'll probably say on the surface do bring all that but at the end of the day the decisions are made by the sitting directors. we can anchor pratt america burr it's not going to be easy or happen overnight. >> up next, a passion

african-americans. so there is, to my mind at least, an awakening on the part of some fellow citizens who don't look like us. i'm trying to juxtapose that with the hopelessness that many fellow citizens feel, borne out in this report, this new poll that i, again, referenced a moment ago with brian stevenson, bloomberg, a new poll out suggesting that 53%, a slight majority of americans, now believe that race relations have worsened under barack obama. so this was a moment that we were celebrating a few years ago. a bunch of white folk elected barack obama. and now the majority of our citizenry thinks that we have lost ground on race relations in this era. so how do you square those two things that there's an awakening on the one hand but a hopelessness on the other hand? >> i think the hopelessness comes from exhaustion. you know, that feeling of -- you know, in terms of the indictments, you wait and wait and you hope it will go another way. but part of you, an equal part of you, knows it's not going to

the tsunami spread to india, sri lanka, the maldives, and even the african coast. the chain in sumatra was left devastated. over 230,000 people were killed, carried away by the deadliest tsunami in recorded history. >> for more on how people are remembering that fateful day, i am joined on the line by claire in jakarta. what kinds of celebrations are we seeing today? >> thousands of people went to the capital of the province to attend commemorations for this anniversary. the celebrations will continue over the weekend. this morning, a long ceremony took place with at least 35 officials from several countries along with 34 international in geos -- ngo's. the vice president is also they are to pay tribute to the victims. yesterday, they said the tsunami taught a valuable lesson to the province would have been a scene of an armed conflict for nearly 30 years. this weekend arts and cultural evenings will take place showcasing the provinces' finest traditional dances as a mark of appreciation to the international community and nations that have helped following the disa

he decided to continue himself an african american or black.it is found that identity that he advanced his lies and that is what most people see a nonce. >> guest: before i go, let me say how happy i have to be on the show with you and how great a service that you provide. thank you. >> host: one more call. drinks are without water, please. you have been standing out here for an hour in the heat with us. domaine carlton, texas. you've got the last word. >> caller: i'm so sorry to hear the parity that went before me about the importance of immigration reform in states like texas that have been making legislation through the judicial system. also, if you could use the analogy of little steps made by small feat. .. i think that all of us, no matter where we are situated, no matter what, there are things day by day that can be done to better not only ourselves but better our neighbors, better our society as a whole. and thankfully the secretion of those small steps that make a huge difference over time. >> host: what's the next book? >> guest: i'm

why not speak about young african americans killed by other african americans, black on black crime, the kind of crime for which your hometown of chicago is so infamous. instead you see racism everywhere. >> i think ferguson laid bare a problem, and that is a simmering distrust that exists between too many police departments and too many communities of color. >> mr. president, you say we need trust between police and the african american community. police need to be sensitive to minority concerns. well, how about you teach respect for those who put their lives on the line every day, for those who protect us, for those who are the one line of defense against an otherwise barbaric and chaotic society. how about you teach that when a police officer says move along or put your hands behind your back, you do it, and teach that you don't call cops derogatory names or reach into a police cruiser to grab a cop's gun. but then again, you're the one who thinks cops are stupid. >> i think it's fair to say, number one, any of us would be pretty angry. number two, that the cambridge police acted

we are talking about the percentage of african-american officers shooting non-african-americans. we have fewer african-american officers. that goes to the first question if you can deal with pipelines, i would love to hear about programs targeting the development of officers from communities of color. are there programs or pipelines you are seeing working? reverend, and then mr. alexander. >> i think i heard him say rebuild trust. we have to first build. we cannot rebuild what has not been built. as jeff said, i have kind of responded to some of that. i think the consciousness across the community has to be elevated from leadership. not just governmental, political, law enforcement leadership. leadership across the board. in my community, some of my plan -- not my plan but my colleagues -- is to bring the white business community closer to the black business community. white churches closer to black churches. in the sense that the collaborative efforts to begin productive dialogue across the board. young people have to begin to see leaders coming together, not just ceremoniously,

black enterprise has been watching him and a handful of african americans that serve as directors ofn it's annual report a study revealed in 2012 that white men held 75% of s&p 500 board seats versus a mere 5.5% for black men and a 1.9% for black women. this year black enterprise counted 182 black directors at 176 corporations versus the year prior with 179 directors at 174 corporations and in 2014, 30% didn't have a single blackboard member. diversity on corporate boards matter. >> that's critical to innovation. it's truly a business. >> arnold donald's board preis charting the course for the largest cruise line industry. >> 60% plus of today's population are women in minorities. 60%. so that the customers of these companies are women and minorities and so to reflect their own markets to have that thinking and diversity of thinking representing their own customers at the top of the corporate pyramid which is the board of directors. >> donald wants to see more african americans on boards. but why stop there. >> definitely hispanic americans. you need asian americans and you need inte

the first african-american president, and he held meetings at the white house, and should he be going to ferguson? >> no. that is another thing that an y annoys me about this whole sich way, brooke. every time something happens in the black community, we have the same cast of sad character, and we don't have to have al sharpton go there and i'm not disparaging mr. krunk, because of what happened in florida with trayvon's family, and god bless them, but we have the same sad cast of black character, and we need strong black men in st. louis to stand up, and say, hey, let's handle this situation? >> where are they? >> that bothers me. i guarantee you if something happened in my life, i got this the, and i can handle this. i can handle, and i don't e need people, a and i fend i feel lik handle the situation, and i don't need people coming are from florida or new york, because i am a strong black man, and i can handle this. >> and now, ferguson, and ray rice. when we see the elevator situation where he knocked his fiancee out cold, and we know that ray rice is going to be eligible to play,

the african-american community, the african-american college.he worked on the rockets. it wasn't just working at an office at a desk. he worked on the engineering side of it. and he's very quick. in fact, he gave us the quote that gave us the title of this book that he felt and others like him felt that the image of black people in the professions was resting on them. was resting on he and his coworkers. and we could not fail, he said. and that's reflected in comments made by others who worked at nasa and contractors at the time. they were fully aware that eyes were on them of the black community, of the white community, of the engineering community, of nasa. they couldn't fail. there was too much. if they make a mistake, then whatever mistake they make gets labeled onto everyone who comes after them. and these gentlemen did not fail, not at all. george carothers worked for nasa as an astronomer, and his -- i think it's the far ultraviolet camera is on the moon right now. and this wonderful piece of technology that took, i think, 20 years for hi

he wrote the earliest african-american novel and the earliest african-american play to be published, one of two and probably three plays, he not only composed it also performed and before the civil war. the earliest record of his five-year residence in london in the first free of this award. he was the leading black historian of his generation and the author of one of the seminal texts in the slave narratives. and even before the category existed he was a literary professional and during his lifetime he was a popular and well-known writer in both the u.s. and the uk. but after his death in 1884 he disappeared from generals i with the advent of jim crow which largely white washed african-american culture from general view, returning only recently to measured disability. my wife and i were walking through the national portrait gallery today and one conspicuous absence is from brown. one of the most important writers and in the year 2014, not yet officially present where he ought to be. so for tonight's reading i excerpted three stand-alone passages from the biography. running from slav