it's no secret there are issues on which the allies differ. since 2008 nato has strongly supported the territorial integrity and that is has urged. the three summit priorities i just outlined demonstrate how far we've evolved. the reasons for its continued success are clear. the alliance has over the last 63 years proven to be an adaptable, durable, and cost provider of security. when president obama welcomes his counterparts to chicago in just over a week, the united states will be prepared to work with our allies and partners to make sure it remains vibrant and capab capable. i look forward to your questions. >> thank you, mr. secretary. we appreciate it. secretary townsent? >> chairman kerry and members of the committee, thank you for inviting me here to discuss the anyw nato summit which the united states will host in chicago in may. i will describe what we hope to achieve from the defense point of view and its relevance for national security. i particularly look forward to hearing the committee's views on the summit and the priorities you

always mindful of his nato responsibilities, he added a further problem is that our allies outside of the four are becoming increasingly concerned over the dangers of the situation and under a system which they feel does not respect their desire for adequate consultation. in keeping with this moderate and realistic approach to the military buildup, submitting his plan of action, nato europe to the north atlantic council on august 21st, 1961. the plan set forth proposals for increasing the strength of the alliance's conventional forces by bringing existing units up to full strength. he did not simply want to create new, but essentially hollow divisions. his proposals would increase nato's strength from the equivalent of 16 full divisions to 24 by the end of the year. soon afterward, a new controversy arose to the berlin crisis. september 1st, 1961, powers gave nato secretary general their draft instructions to general norstad. because these instructions used certain words it was clear they were not just limited to the four power live oak planning for berlin. the document called upon ge

they, therefore, set up mechanisms to coordinate the response of the three allies. first of all, at the top, the washington ambassadorial group. for political consultation and oversight. there was also a military group, tripartite and then the bond group, providing specialized advice, which existed since 1954 on the very specialized questions of access to berlin. and then in april 1959, they created a new military contingency planning and organization with a cold name of live oak commanded by general norstad alongside his nato allied commander hat. two subordinate headquarters, proceeded to draw a series of contingency plans. you will not be tested on these, but i just want to give you an overview. the plans begin with a tripartite probe, they called it, of not more than one company to test the soviet's willingness to stop allied access to berlin by using force. then a plan, if that one failed, to raise the stakes a bit and send a battalion down the audubon. there's also a plan to assemble a tripartite division, but yet not a plan to actually employ it. they develop

this is a clear opportunity and might even be a necessitate for our european allies to take on an ally we strongly encourage the allies to contribute meet the 2% benchmark and contribute to the strength of the nato. we should focus on how these limited resources are allocated and for what priorities. nato has made progress towards pulling more resources, which is exemplified through the capabilities package that the united states anticipates that leaders will endorse in chicago. this package for chicago includes missile defense, the alliance ground surveillance program in baltic air policing. allies are furthermore expected to endorse the deterrence and defense posture review, the ddpr. ddpr will make the appropriate mix that nato needs to meet security challenges, as well as reaffirm nato's commitment to making consensus decisions on alliance posture issues. finally, the chicago summit will highlight nato's success in working with a growing number of partners around the world. effective partnerships allow the alliance to extend its reach, act with greater legitimacy, share burdens and

they are nato allies are other european allies. is it dependents? maybe we could call that dependence. i would not amount -- i would not want to an imagine doing it without the maximum partnership with europe. would we like even more support from europe on more resources and support? yes. we have this discussion with the europeans all the time. on none of them what i want to -- that was part of my point. i sided with what the president said. that is another case. we had an interest and stopping gaddafi from -- could we have done that along? we did not want to for a range of reasons. from the legitimacy to the aftermath and funding that is necessary. you can debate whether you want to call that dependence, but i would say we have got about all these things with a full appreciation of what europe can bring to the table. i think we are stronger because of it and we are more successful in dealing with these problems. just to be clear, turkish leaders have alluded to article 5. they have not invoked it. i have not invoked article for. they have briefed n

pakistan is a key ally to the united states and in fact only -- ally. next week is chicago summit. what do you see the role of pakistan? thank you. >> pakistan is vital to the united states's national security interests for a broad variety of reasons including the nuclear inventory that pakistan has. including the fact that pakistan's role in the region is vital, not to mention relations with india but we have to operate in our relations with pakistan the realization, that the isi, has close relations with the haqqani network and they are carrying out activities that kill americans. that's just an assessment can not be refuted by the facts. and it saddens me. we were talking earlier just before this, one of the gravest mistakes in recent history was the so-called pressler amendment which basically cut off our military to military relations and we're still paying a very heavy price for. i think there are some who would argue that pakistan is a failed state. i don't argue that but i do, could argue plausibly that the politics in pakistan are very, very unsettled to say the least and

not every ally in the alliance will be able to be a full-spectrum ally, an ally that can do everything from peacekeeping up to high intensity combat. we already have a number of ally that is have reached that point and been able to develop niche capabilities. if it's not coordinated, it's like a pot luck dinner, everybody brings salad or you don't have brownies or a main course. how can we better coordinate these ef fords? the suchl mitt is going to try to start tall lines to help identify those priority areas. it's going to start first and foremost with delivering on some of the commitments that were made in lisbon. you might remember at the last summit in lisbon, the alliance launched this lisbon critical capabilities commitment where the alliance identified ten priority areas where the alliance would commit itself to enhancing its capabilities in these core areas. it ranged from everything from counterer ied to ags, a long list of longstanding capability gaps, new capability gaps highlighted in afghanistan and capability gaps tied to future challenges like cyber. so what we wanted t

>> allies consult on issues anytime. the turkish foreign minister briefed his counterpart at the nato foreign ministerial took place in brussels on syria. there are ongoing discussions about it. the allied commander can do a certain amount of planning. there has been no formal tasking and there has been no formal request by the turks for consultations in that article 4 or 5 scenario. we will continue our work together. we have had extension talks with the turks as well. we continue to stay close touch with them in our core mission of responses. -- in our coordination of responses. >> i am from voice of america afghanistan service. in your remarks you referred to afghanistan's future engagement with nato that will be discussed in chicago. what would be the u.s.'s position in terms of its engagement, especially military engagement and presence, beyond 2014 when it comes to deterrence, combat forces? >> that is something we are working on now with allies and partners and is something will -- that will be discussed after the

do we have any sense of how long the allies will stick in there? is this one year past 2014 or is it -- do we have any sense of who are staying and how long they are staying that point? >> well i think that is what they are talking about in chicago to a great extent is really about getting to the transition point in 2014 and then the support and engagement that nato both as an organization and nato nations will maintain of afghanistan in the future to support the afghan government to achieve the goals that we all have, which is to help the afghan government and maintain security, govern the country and prevent the country from slipping back into a haven for terrorists. >> i wouldn't put a lot of money on many nato countries being there after two, three, four years. and in fact, nobody has yet figured out how to help a country that goes way back in time the way they do. they are still not a modern country. to be able to modernize itself and have a real government and a functional autonomy in anything other than decades. so i suspect within three or

this would, in effect, outsource our national security to nato and european allies. some of you have problems when you say that our troops go under command of nato. can you imagine you're letting our assets be determined by whether nato -- allies put money in or not? these assets that are deployed that we're putting up to protect our troops and our families and our homeland. the proposed requirement for the secretary of defense to submit to nato a prefinancing request for the expenses of missile defense equipment would diminish the u.s.'s ability to protect the deployment. to implement the eepa was made prior to the list bon summit. after the agreement of nato to accept this new mission, the u.s. offered the eepa and nato missile defense will include contributions from other nations as well as nato common funding for the active theater, ballistic missile defense command and control system. the united states also has concluded several bilateral agreements that include host nation funding for the use of their bases and host nation funding for perimeter security. the pr

not every ally in the alliance will be able to be a full spectrum ally. an alley that can do everything from peacekeeping up to high intensely combat and we already have a number of allies that have reached that point and are starting to specialize and develop niche capabilities. again, if it's not coordinated, you could end up with everybody. like a pot luck dinner. everybody brings sally and you don't have brownies or main course. the question is, how can we better coordinate these efforts? the summit's going to try and start the alliance on a more healthier course to identify some of those priority areas. but it's also going to start first and foremost with delivering on some of the commitments that were made in lisbon. you might remember at the last summit in lisbon, the alliance lodged this lisbon capabilities, critical capabilities commitment where the alliance identified ten priority areas where the alliance would commit itself to enhancing its capabilities in these core areas and it ranged from everything from counteried to ags to missile defense.

allí podremos hablar y uds. podrán descansar. es lo mejor.ce que está bien. imenos mal! ¿no ha sufrido golpes ni lesiones? no, está un poco débil y debe dormir pero dicen que mañana estará bien. ¿cómo? ¿que vienen a méxico? sí, tu papá y yo pensamos visitar a los parientes de guadalajara. y espero que tú también vengas con nosotros. puede ser, pero todavía tengo cosas que hacer aquí. ah, iremos entonces a la ciudad de méxico primero. iqué bien! así podrán conocer a mis nuevos amigos. ¿anda ese gaucho por allí? ¿ese amigo argentino? mamá... no comiences. sí, mamá... sí... sí... ¿estás lista? sí. ahora baja angela. ¿queda lejos la casa de pedro? no, no te preocupes. ihola! ¿vamos? miren, yo pensaba que... bueno, no quiero ser descortés con mis nuevos parientes... me imagino que quieres ir al hospital. sí. quisiera estar junto a roberto. está dormido. le han dado un sedante. seguramente no se va a despertar hasta mañana. no importa. no quiero que se despierte y se encuentre solo sin saber dónde está. ¿uds. entienden, no? tienes razón. creo que n

much with european allies.ou can call these patterns of cooperation and military training, but it confers no obligation. it is the best of both worlds, from my perspective. >> you are also hearing the most frequent point here being background from australian officials, more than happy to use our centers and resources, but we are not involved in the planning stage. we have problems and issues in our parts of the world, but if those two things could be resolved, it would be a qualitative change in the relationship. >> i would agree with fred. you had no say in the nature of the afghanistan operation. you should be there as part of the takeoff. there are two other countries, like denmark, seated in front of me, and finland, who has been great partners. -- sweden and finland. we are so strong in northern europe, they need to be at the table as well. not as members, but having some say. >> ambassador, your name has been invoked. you wanted to raise a question? >> thank you so much. " it is easier to be a dane and a

initial meeting with just the nato allies at 28. that evening, on sunday evening, the nato allies will meet at soldier field for a working dinner and that will be leaders plus one adviser. on monday morning, the summit will continue at mccormick place with discussions on afghanistan and this will be a broader meeting. this will be the nato countries plus the 22 non-nato afghan troop, or non-nato troop contributing countries in afghanistan. and the second formal meeting on monday will be a -- ap session with key partners we had in various projects around the world with nato. i want to talk about nato alliances for a second and then talk about afghanistan and then i'll take your questions. the united states and nato -- nato is a cornerstone alliance for the united states in terms of its ability to advance its international interests. when we came into office almost four yearation, now 3.5 years ago, we asked ourselves where we were, where we needed investment, where we needed work that needed to be done and our analysis was in fact al

but nonetheless, we're the best ally. we're their best ally. they are our best ally. and we have shown that. we have the nato maritime interdiction training operation center. the director is basically a naval officer greek, and number two is a turkish. if only we could see that in h in brussels. i would love to see that at some point. so this is my answer. >> thank you. >> just briefly on that issue, alliances sometimes have perverse effects. i mean there was an attempt a couple of years ago at least where turkey and greece a sat -- the leaders sat down to talk about reductions in military spending and confidence building, et cetera. and yet within the context of nato as a whole, of course the push is to increase military spending. without too much thought about how that might impact the relationship between greece and turkey. it's not, you know, a peculiarity of the nato alliance. we have the same thing with south korea and japan. we push south korea to spend more and more money without thinking necessarily but wait a second, south korea and japan, our other ally, ha

not every ally sees the world in the way we do. but one thing we agree on, we need the alliance to be unified and strong. allies look to the united states to lead the way in keeping nato strong, capable, incredible. that is where we come to the summit in chicago. at chicago, heads of state and government will agree through work that we committed to at the last summit at lisbon 18 months ago, at chicago we will focus on three areas. an agreement on a strategic plan for afghanistan, military capabilities, and nato partnerships. the united states has three summit objectives. the first is charting a clear path for the completion of transition and reaffirming nato's commitment to the long-term security of afghanistan. the second objective is maintaining nato's core capabilities of defense during this period of austerity and building a force ready for future challenges. finally, deepening the engagement of nato's nations and alliance operations and activities. chairman, i would like to conclude my summary here, and i welcome your questio

es allí donde conocí a rosario. ¿y dónde vive rosario ahora? ella creía que fernando había muerto... sí, sí. lo comprendo. ¿y con quién se casó? con un hacendado, un argentino llamado martín iglesias. martín... iglesias. ¿y sabe ud. la dirección? sí, un momento. ( suspira ) ¿son cartas de rosario? sí. en ellas está la dirección. "estancia santa susana." ¿ya tiene ud. la información que buscaba? quiero hacerle otra pregunta. ¿cómo supo que don fernando vivía en méxico? iah, sí! tiene el mismo nombre... las circunstancias son iguales. no podía ser pura coincidencia. tengo sueño. al volver al hotel, llamé a elena la nuera de la señora suárez. yo necesitaba obtener pruebas del nacimiento del hijo de rosario en sevilla. ¿elena? habla raquel. raquel rodríguez. sí, sí. ay, es una maravilla, y lo pasé tan bien en su casa. oiga... tengo un gran favor que pedirle si es tan amable. necesito obtener el certificado de nacimiento del hijo de rosario. sí. nació en sevilla. angel castillo del valle. en mil novecientos treinta y siete. sí. estoy en el hotel prí

is that a realistic role for particularly our european allies to play? >> i believe it is. i have been one of the people that for a long time has says that the u.s. wants to have europe as a partner. i was born in europe so whenever i have discussions with europeans i say i'm just like you, i happen to have been raised in the u.s. you are no longer the problem, you are part of the solution. for most of my adult life, trying to deal with europe was the problem. how to deal with the communist and divided europe and how to bring central and eastern europe into the alliance, i think people ask me what i'm proud of. many of the things i'm proud of expanding nato. because nato continues to be the world's strongest military alliance. and so the question is to what end. i was asked to work on a new strategic concept for nato as heads of a group of experts, and what we saw was that nato could the way you talk about is out of area, meaning there is a responsibility for issues that are not just member states. so that is what i think europe needs to do is to see that what happens in li

and japan and other allies in the pacific. and i do worry that the european union's foreseeable future is perhaps introverted and fragmented. so it's not that they will diverge from us on what these rules are. they might not be in the game. and that i think would leave us in an exposed position, and that's what i think the united states and europe should do what they can to refurbish, and revitalize this anchor of liberal values, open markets, democratic institutions. because they are now under threat, rising powers do not share those same commitments. and that's why we need to make sure that our model is both strong and serves as an example for the rest of the world. >> you know, we have a pen and a european european appeared subcommittee last fall -- we had a panel, and virtually all of the panelists agreed that one of the most important things we could do to support europe in addressing their fiscal crisis was to address our own at home. so i certainly thank, i would certainly support that, your analysis. let me just go to

in the case of european allies, i'm more skeptical. and i was wondering, what's the threshold you identify under which thety decrease of defense expenditures can no longer maintain the credibility of nato as an alliance to fulfill its commitment, more specifically the article 5. you mentioned the brigades and u.s. nuclear weapons. if we remove them, all of the u.s. military footprint in europe, how do you convince, for instance, the partners -- not the partners, the allies in the baltics, which are actually a very frightened by the russian -- how do you convince them that article 5 is still credible? so that's my question. >> thank you. so i think we've got a question on the rationale for building missile defenses, particularly in the context is this part of a smart solution. the detail of specialization and cooperation, how does that fit into a broader vision when nato wants to go. and then on the context of dieting, when is enough, enough? is maybe i'll ask all of the panelists to consider those questions. you can dip in and answer e

european allies. so, you know, is it dependence? maybe you could call it dependence. we could pursue some of these same policies, but i wouldn't want to imagine doing it without the maximum partnership with europe. look, would we like even more support from europe on -- more resources and support for some of these things? yes. and we have this discussion with europeans all the time. but on none of them would i really want to -- and that was part of my point, and i cited what the president said about being able to tackle these challenges alone. libya. that's another case, and we had an interest in protecting civilians in libya and standing gadhafi from massacring the residents of benghazi. could we have done that operation alone? be i think so. but we certainly didn't want to for a whole range of reasons ranging from the military assets to the legitimacy to the aftermath and funding that would be necessary. so, you know, you can debate whether you want to call that dependence, but i would certainly say

certain role they have to trust their allies. the trust isn't there yet. so we have to build that trust and move in a deduction. i think our own command needs to become much more of an interoperable become and. it's been sort of a lily pad where we move forward to the areas of operation in afghanistan and iraq in the past and that has to change. it has to be about maintaining the internal probably of the forces and as i said, we need to do much more with our partners. the second problem is missile defense. the story of the iranian threat building, russia trying to limit the european phased active approach and to get as much as they can this is a success story for the summit. there is a consensus in the alliance to we need to move forward with missile defense and that is a really solid consensus and it's a good thing. we will be able to announce that there will be an interim capability for missile defense. if you look at the technical and political achievements the last couple of years they are great. we are going to be depleting,

china had no allies in the world.ntic and reinforces the power of our country. i don't think there's any possibility of agreement in brussels at the nato council that the membership of the alliance should be global in nature. we are historically and by definition a political and military alliance based on the democracy of the trans-atlantic world. but the imperative -- goes back to what fred said. europe and america need to be oriented together. when dan and i worked together, very closely, he was my closest colleague in the last administration we thought of it this way. united states policy -- the european relationship had to be about europe. that is easily done if we become political and military not allies but partners with australia and new zealand and japan and south korea and jordan because they want to be in military missions with us. can we train together, exercise to get there, we have to deploy for humanitarian operation or peacekeeping operation or god forbid a work we are able to work together pound for po

it is no secret there issues much allies in russia's affair.ush has been pedicle of the situation libya and we disagree in georgia. since 2008, nato has strongly supported georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and will continue to urge russia to meet commitments with russia. in conclusion, the threesome of priorities that i just outlined demonstrate how far nato has evolved since spanning six decades ago. the reasons for its continued success are clear. the alliance has over the last 63 years proven to be an adaptable, durable and cost effective preventive security. when president obama welcomed its counterparts to chicago at just over week, the united states will be prepared to work with allies and partners to ensure the alliance remains vibrant and capable for many more years to come. thank you very much and i look forward to your questions. >> thank you, mr. secretary. >> secretary thompson. >> chairman kerry and members of committee, thank you for inviting me here today to discuss the nato summit, which the united states will host

he's in the middle of -- allie. she's in the middle of an occupy protest. it looks like there was an arrest there and confrontations. we will continue to monitor that and ick you more details in -- bring you more details if we get them. >>> five men accused of plotting to bro up a bridge near cleveland have been arrested. >> they ultimately negotiated with fbi undercover objects and purchased two iuds. >> agents stress there was never any danger to the public. >>> the power is back on this noontime in the east bay. thousands were without electricity. the outage began of a 9:00 a.m. pg&e says about 35,000 customers were without power most were in walnut creek. the power was out in la fayette, pleasant hill and alamo. it was restored in about an hour. >> no way, lord! this can't be us. this can't be us. they got it back on quickly. >> pg&e is checking an east bay substation to find out what caused the outage. >>> good afternoon to you. the cooler weather pattern has clinched the bay area. anywhere from 5 to 10 degrees cooler around the bay. closer to 12 degre

mi hermano estaba allí. ¿y su nombre, por favor? roberto castillo soto. soto, vamos a ver... no, aquí no está. no lo han traído al hospital. ¿y es cierto que algunos hombres están atrapados? ¿vivos? creemos que sí. pero dígame, por favor ¿sabe dónde se encuentran los que no resultaron heridos?  todos han pasado por el hospital para ser observados. algunos ya se fueron a sus casas pero todos están en la lista. no hay ningún castillo soto. mire ud. misma. angela: imira!, aquí hay un "r. castilla". sí. puede ser un error. puede ser roberto castillo. señorita, aquí hay un "r. castilla". ¿no será roberto castillo? disculpe, pero yo sé que ése es rodrigo castilla. lo conozco bien. vive aquí cerca. ¿ha estado ud. en la excavación? sí, señorita. aquí hacemos lo que podemos para ayudar. ¿tiene ud. algún familiar allí? sí, mi hermano. es un estudiante de puerto rico. se llama roberto castillo soto. ¿lo ha visto? no. es como de este tamaño blanco, de pelo castaño corto... no. no lo recuerdo. lo siento. entonces, ¿podría estar entre los hombres atrapados? puede s

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what was the reaction of the nato allies of this -- to the new institution -- the nato allies to this new institution? will nato be the instrument of choice? >> i cannot say there is a direct link between the obama administration and thinking inside nato. these are hardly new issues for nato. every single use of force in the 1990's had to do with the prevention of mass atrocities in one form or another kharif afghanistan is being -- mass atrocities in one form or another. afghanistan being the exception. we deal with situations that require military force. there is new thinking within nato. there is an increasing emphasis on making sure we have the capacity to respond to whatever situation may arise in which the use of military force may prove to be useful. one of the lessons we learned from libya was backed a precise -- was that the most precise operation of air power we have seen to date can have a positive impact on the ability to protect civilians window civilians are being attacked by their own government. every situation will be unique. it is something nato does as 28 democracie

and to rely on our european allies more than we can count on a cost-cutting. at the same time i think it's clear that we are at the cusp of a major historic transition in the global landscape in which the world that nato represents his losing the primacy it enjoyed the last 200 years and if you look at the share of global product represented by nato and i would include japan

and our other allies. afghanistan, indeed, mr. president, they're looking forward to an end and the transformation of the decade. there is the founding of the governments in the country. they have taken steps for self- reliance. afghanistan would be collecting the old revenues. in the meantime that the world community, and the allies in nato, to make sure that we are backed by the steps of 2024. this will be largely defending itself. mr. president, they have turned a new page, and the new page is working together. there is the security, i am bring you and the people of the united states, with with the taxpayers' money has provided. with the business of the afghan government. and the government of afghanistan and the task ahead. what they need to do, we'll have this off the table. thank you. >> thank you. thank you. i will have a press conference. >> president obama spoke in chicago, about the agenda of the two-day meeting. speaking first is anders rasmussen. this is about 10 minutes. >> leadies and gentlemen. the 25th nato summit.

allí es. san germán.as son la cordillera central. es una cadena de montañas que se extienden de este a oeste. camino a san germán, tuvimos problemas con el carro lo cual nos hizo tardar en llegar a la casa de doña carmen. iah! iah! iay! iay! ¿qué pasa ahora? vamos, nos falta mucho para llegar a san germán. ¿qué tiene el carro, titi? no tengo idea. perdone. algo le pasó al carro. el carro está muy mal. no creo que lo pueda arreglar hoy. ¿qué? estará listo mañana por la mañana. ioh! y ahora, ¿qué hacemos? tendrán que pasar la noche aquí. ¿y cree ud. que podríamos conseguir un hotel? claro. hay varios. busquen cerca del parque de bombas. no fue hasta el día siguiente que llegamos a san germán. bueno, ya hemos llegado. la casa es muy bonita. ahora podremos hablar con tu abuela acerca de ese viaje a méxico. ¿y yo las puedo acompañar a méxico? cuando estés más grande, laurita. por ahora, lo más lejos que puedas viajar conmigo es aquí a san germán. ¿abuela? iabuela, ya llegamos! hola. idolores! ¿cómo estás? bien

is essentially trying to do more with less, and this is a concept that's been tried by groups of allies either who have opted because they're in the same geographic area or in the same kind of weight class from a capabilities perspective to join hands and develop a capability that could be utilized by the alliance. there are some very positive success stories where this has been tried in the past. some have not been as successful, but i think the point of this summit is to try and get more of those to take root and push countries to step forward and offer to lead specific capability initiatives in areas that have been identified at critical, such as helicopter maintenance, maritime patrol, aircraft, a very long list. munitions, storage of munitions. a gap highlighted, in fact, in the libya operation as well. here the u.s. is going to step forward and lead three of these initiatives. it's going to participate in six of them. we believe. and on top of it, one of the other smart defense initiatives rolled out in chicago is baltic air policing, ongoing, but a new commitment to extend that b

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and the ally is going to be joseph stalin. war makes strange bedfellows. we have the united states, great britain long ties, long time connection to history and culture and now we also have the soviet union as an ally. so the leader is joseph stalin. what we know now is in prison, more of his people into camps murdered more of his own people than hitler killed jews. he is a ruthless, brutal, paranoid dictator of the soviet union. now, when i day paranoid, i mean sort of schizophrenic kind of paranoid. she paranoid about the safety and security of this country. two times now, they've been invaded from the west by germany. world war i and world war ii. there is no natural boundary that separates. there is no division on his western front that would be an obstacle, that would prevent other nations from invading. so twice now his country has been invaded and his people have suffered the consequences. he is very paranoid about the safety and security of his western front. he is also paranoid, again, about his own position of power. we have on the one hand democ

rasmus joins us with that part of the story, allie?porter: where the family lives you can see there are pink ribbons lined up and down the street as a neighbor put it, he says these ribbons are there to remind everybody they care about sierra lemar and the search continues. they are there and we knocked on the door 20 minutes ago but nobody answered. we did see a few cars but they pulled out of the driveway and we did not see any of the sierra lemar's family members inside. it came in the parking lot in morgan hill. police arrested 21-year-old antolin garcia-torres around 530 yesterday evening. he worked at one of the safe way stores but we don't know if he was still an employee at the time of his arrest yesterday. people were glad to hear about the arrest but many told us they were sad to hear they now believe she was murdered. >> it has been sad, because you can't go anywhere without seeing the signs. now it is the talk of the count. >> i am glad they found whoever it was and it will lead to wherever she may be. >> reporter: we don't

it's an ally of the united states. so i think it's fully appropriate for us to have a discussion about this. >> afghanistan -- are the u.s. pledges to afghanistan unconditional regardless of who wins the presidential election in 2014? >> that, i don't -- >> the national pledges? >> well, that, the strategic partnership agreement? yeah. that president obama and president karzai signed. a couple things about that. first of all that is an agreement between the united states and afghanistan. not an agreement between individuals. it's a national agreement. entered into because it was in interests of the united states and afghanistan. the first thing. the second thing is that it is obligations on both sides. which we would seek to being implemented. obligations on the u.s. side and on the afghan side. >> okay. stephen and then we'll let tom go. >> how concerned is the u.s. that the continuing budget cuts and austerity in europe could have nato to xct act in the fut in a situation like libya? and growth in europe. do you expe

they could be allies tomorrow. by the way, i remind them of that, too. it is -- there is something -- the membership does have its privileges. for one you get to sit at the table to make decisions, and if you don't, if you're not a member you get to sit at the table but you don't get to make decisions. but it's a national decision. sweden will have to decide, finland will have to decide, like every country, whether or not they want to become members of nato. the good news is you don't have to be a member of nato to be an extraordinary partner. on baltic air policing, they have air covers in the baltics but they're not part of the nato mission of baltic air policing as of yet so, that's why i was shaking my head. op macedonia, the issue is very simple. in bucharest, it was decided by all 28, at that time 26 members of nato, that macedonia would be invited as soon as the main issue was resolved to mutual decision and satisfaction. this is a consensus-based organization. the way it works. you need all members to agree. since greece has insisted that it need

-- china's allies. >> you know, it's hard to say today that china has a strong system of allies. they certainly have a system of countries that rely on them greatly. that's very different. because allies require a level of shared values and interests that have real permanence, or at least longevity to them. the united states certainly has that with many countries around the world. china as you know, they've had this policy of noninterference and nonintervention. they have a country economic system of state capitalism which is focused primarily on china. and they look to build quid pro quos. we'll give you x money, you'll provide us y resource. we'll give you x military support, will you provide us y political allegiances. this happens all over the world am but the number of countries out there that would say we consider ourselves a strong ally of china, even you go to chavez and venezuela, even burma, myanmar, which is trying to open up to the u.s. right now, these are countries that are very dependent on the chinese. but i don't know that they would necessarily call themselves a

but the here early in the war, we're sort of uneasy allies to defeat common foe in hitler. we know a little bit about stalin. we know some of his demands, some of his philosophies. but we'll learn much more about him as time goes on. so what's roosevelt's response? president roosevelt guiding us through the great depression, now into war. roosevelt believes that the best way to win this war is to cooperate with stalin. if there is one term that i could give you that is synonymous with roosevelt's foreign policy in dealing with the soviet union, it is simply cooperation. don't antagonize stalin. yeah, our systems may be different. democracy, capitalism on the one hand, communism, socialism on the other. we may be very different in terms of our political and economic systems and institutions. but we have to cooperate with each other to defeat adolph hitler. and that is going to be the driving force in roosevelt's foreign policy in dealing with stalin. we're going to go along, get along as far as we can and as far as that will take us. well, the first time that roosevelt, chur

el cinco de mayo no es muy importante allí. este tipo. es verdad, méxico ha sido invadido varias veces. es algo de lo que estamos muy conscientes. arturo, ¿sabrás algo sobre nuestra revolución de mil novecientos diez? sí, un poco. sé quién es pancho villa... arturo, nuestra revolución de mil novecientos diez fue mucho más que pancho villa. tienes que entender que entonces el país pasaba por una época muy difícil. porfirio díaz era el presidente y muchos lo acusaban de proteger sólo a los ricos. el iniciador de la revolución fue francisco madero. madero convocó al pueblo mexicano a la lucha contra porfirio díaz y así en mil novecientos diez comenzó la revolución. además de pancho villa también emiliano zapata fue muy importante. el era un campesino que luchaba contra los ricos en el sur del país. la revolución duró diez años desde mil novecientos diez hasta mil novecientos veinte. murieron más de un millón de mexicanos y el país tardó muchos años en recuperarse social, política y económicamente. es verdad. por eso, muchos mexica

this is not like a goal, a 2% n investment of gdp is a commitment by the nato allies. it's not being honored. what i'm concerned about is the long run trajectory and that's what i'm not seeing. what type of ingredient will changes that especially with the economic times we're dealing with. >> once again, i agree with that sentiment. the longer term point, in that case we will provide our unique capabilities but expect you to be able to play a major role yourselves. by insisting that we are now able to say there's the example. you won't be able to do this in the future and you can't expect the u.s. to do it. that's what they're hearing from us and they are trying to finally -- there's a lot of inefficiencies in alliance when it comes to defense spending. people aren't doing it smartly enough and just to take one example. the agreement to build this allied ground surveillance system where 13 of them will come together and buy five drones built by an american company, by the way, to share this through the entire alliance is what they need to invest in. this is the thing t

american allies that america has remained strong and committed to the g eight and it has an important role to play at the same time he has to be sensitive to what his constituents in america are thinking about domestic concerns the economy unemployment housing all of the things that remain an issue already in the world but more ready to compromise on global issues through the election given it was by accident in the hot mike sit down with dmitri medvedev but with that incident aside many experts say that it's very unlikely we'll see progress on bilateral issues with russia per se on missile defense or iran's nuclear program in the election year now another challenge facing the group as a whole is the question many are asking does the g eight format still work it's true that most countries of the world see the g eight as outdated most countries in the world don't recognize. the singular leadership of the united states and its western european allies so in terms of what might come out of the g eight i think that again substantive policy decisions are unlikely rather this is going to be