lincoln as you well know was not an abolitionist. lincoln never claimed to be an abolitionist. before the war lincoln had said as you say he was strongly opposed to the western expansion of slavery but he never called for a violation of the fugitive slave law. lincoln was a lawyer, a man who believed in the rule of law. in a famous letter in 1855 to his friend joshua. >> a slaveowner in kentucky lincoln said about fugitives i hate to see them hunted down but i bite my lip and keep silent. why did he keep silent? because this was in the constitution. this was federal law. unlike the abolitionist he said i don't believe in a higher law. i don't believe they can abide by the moral law rather than the actual law on the books. in the secession crisis he said i don't care what we do about fugitive slaves. i'm willing to give concessions on that not on expansion of slavery although he said i would like the fugitive slave law to be amended so that a free person would not be caught up. given the way the fugitive slave law operates free people could easily be grabbed brought before commi

lincoln as you on it was not an abolitionist lincoln never claimed to be an abolitionist. before the war lincoln had said as you say he was strongly opposed to the western expansion of slavery but he never called for violation of the future slave law. lincoln was a lawyer, a man who believed in the rule of law. inand a famous letter in 1855 to his friend joshua speed, slave owning kentucky lincoln said about fugitives, he said i hate to see them hunted down but i bite my lip and keep silent. why did he keep silent? because this is in the constitution, ma federal law. unlike the abolitionists he said i don't believe in a higher law. i don't believe that you can abide by the moral law rather than the actual law on the books. and in the secession crisis he says i don't care what we do about fugitives list. i'm willing to give them concessions on that, not on the expansion of slavery. slavery. although he's set out like the fugitive slave law to be amended so that if a person could not be caught up. given what the fugitive slave law operate a free people could be grabbed, prop

lincoln was not an abolitionist. he never claimed to be. before the war he said as you say, opposed to the western expansion of slavery but never called for a violation of the fugitive slave law. he was a lawyer a man who believed in in the law. the famous letter in 1855 lincoln said about fugitives i hate to see them hunted down but i bite my lip and keep silent. why? because this was in the constitution, federal law. unlike the abolitionists he said, i don't believe in a higher law. i don't believe i don't believe you can apply by the more loyal than the actual law on the books. and in the secession crisis he said i said i don't care what we do about fugitive slaves. i'm willing to give them secession is on that. although i would like the fugitive slave law amended so that free people cannot be caught up. you know, he can't even testify on his own behalf. so they didn't force did enforce the fugitive slave life beginning. from the very beginning they ran away to the union army, maryland and the army in the army sent them back to their own

gardner was politically active and an abolitionist. when he constructed this image he is definitely making a statement. look at this. are you going to say he is not a man? that the family around his feet are somehow less than yours? they may not have shoes like you, but they want the same things. could you even imagine a more patriarchal scene than this? i would love to have my family like that. he is giving it to him, but he is also pointing at the northern people, saying, this is what it has been about. from an abolitionist point of view, this is powerful. that is why gardner's images are particularly interesting because he is always trying to needle in a political point and in this case it is right between the eyes. coming to the end, the white house of the confederacy. which i'm sure some of you have visited. it is open to the public. you can only really shoot it from this angle. that is a problem now, because if you match it up, all you see are the hospital buildings. it is rather depressing. in 1865, you can see that he has const

he is not someone who at the start of the war is an abolitionist or in favor of suffrage, but he will come to embrace black suffrage. talk a little bit about grant and lee in this immediate postwar period. especially after lincoln's death, these are the two most prestigious men in the nation. what are their hopes for the peace, and what are their hopes for immediate aftermath of the war? professor gallagher: i will do leave. lee is very pregnant at the end of the worthless of his basic stance is we tried his hardest we could, we failed, snobby victors set the term, and we follow the terms will stop in public, i think we behaved impeccably. he also counseled denial of fact, -- do not look back, look forward. his public stance is reunion and a kind of formal reconciliation. privately, he was extremely unhappy with what had happened. he hated that everything was changing in some ways in the former confederacy. but he had what i would call situational reconciliation. there is a public lee and a private lee. the public lee behaved as you would want the loser to behave coming out of appomat

it was conceived of initially by an abolitionist congregation and minister named john w out for who was richly from new england. during general tecumseh sherman's march through georgia john alfred accompanied the troops as a chaplain, serving the soldiers. as sherman marched through georgia, most of us are familiar with the special field order number 15 in which after seeing the conditions of the reek -- recently freed population, he felt that these human beings along the coast of the carolinas in florida, he felt that they legitimately preserved ownership of that land that they had lived on for generations. so special order number 15 generated the concept of 40 acres and a mule. as you know, after president lincoln was assassinated and andrew young became -- i'm sorry. [laughter] president andrew johnson basically a lot of the initiatives were overturned by andrew johnson. so he rescinded special order number 15 and since the 40 acres and a mule was no longer a promise, that was a severe disappointment to many of these recently freed african-americans, because they felt they deserved t

it was conceived initially by an abolitionist minister who was originally from new england. his name was john w alfred. during sherman's march, he was a chaplain. he served the soldiers. as sherman marched through georgia, most of us are familiar with sherman's special field order 15, which, after seeing the conditions of the recently free proclamation, since these -- population, he felt that since these human beings had tilled the soil, very legitimately deserved ownership of the land they had lived on for generations. so, special order 15 generated the concept of 40 acres and a mule. as you know, after president lincoln was assassinated and a -- sorry. [laughter] president andrew johnson basically a lot of these initiatives were overturned by andrew johnson. he rescinded special order number 15. and since 40 acres and a mule was no longer a promise, that was a severe disappointment to many of these recently freed african-americans, because they felt they deserved to the land -- they felt they deserved the land but they had to move on. , as they moved into the position of w

it made him a bit unusual in the union army, he had grown up in an abolitionist family. he wrote to his brother during that first year of the war -- if i had money enough to raise a few hundred contraband meaning escaped slaves, and armed them, i would get up and insurrection among the slaves. i told the captain i would desert to do it." that is a bit of bravado, i expect. he did not lead any mutinies that we know of or organize a set of contraband's for insurrection. at the root -- the letters kept going. in 1861 and 1862 he starts denouncing lincoln and denouncing the administration. he's angry that the war is not officially a war to free the slaves. he does not get it. why are we not fighting to free the slaves? he writes home early in 1862. "this will settle the question as to whether the constitution or the rebellion shall triumph. the great heart wound, slavery will not be reached. " " he's impatient. he's angry. he writes to his brother saying that he wishes he had the moral courage to desert because the union army had not yet begun officially to fight against sla

there you should not make the mistake of thinking he was an abolitionist. he certainly was not. he he prayed for the day the government and slavery though it may surprise you know that he thought slavery was worse for whites that it was with the slaves themselves which is an attitude that is probably hard for us to understand today. basically he just wanted nothing to do with the system tuition. try his hardest to avoided as much as possible. but what ultimately entangles them is that his father dies in 1857 and he leaves a we will naming robert ely as executor other states that actually include slaves who are descended from mount vernon. so on the eve of the civil war robert e. lee is managing his states that include slaves that george washington had wanted to but cannot free. and so and so it was very much the unresolved question of slavery one of the personal legacies that robert e. lee received from george washington. and to see how this unresolved question of slavery began turning to violence, you have to just had about 60 miles of river 60 miles of the potomac river and co

our university was founded in 1855 by an abolitionist he believed that everyone regardless of gender , i add sexual orientation and religion to that list as well. when it goes against people's perceptions or beliefs around this, we felt a need to step forward. >> it is interesting. you talk about the impressions about the law or interpreting the law. will you be satisfied with a fix the governor is asking for or do you think the bill needs to be you know wiped off the books. >> well it is at least encouraging that we moved from last week to this week to some recognition that something has to be done. as someone in the state being effected by this our institution being effected by it we want to be optimistic that state legislature and governor are able to take action to address it but my concern right now is that the noise level has risen to such a height and on both sides of the argument here that i am not sure anything short of stepping back and starting it again is going to fix it. as a university president, my role by the way isn't to get on the political soap box, but to help brin

remember gardner was very politically active and very politically motivated and very much an abolition abolitionist abolitionist. so when he constructed this, you know when he was trying to make a statement. they may not have shoes like you, but they want the same things. could you even imagine a more pay tree-- patriarchal scene than this? he's always trying to needle in a political point and in this case it's right between by jeff davis in the doorway is the table upon which the surrender of general lee that's now the photographic pride. one of the other things that i enjoy is look at the girl. look at daddy's knee and mother's chair. she is locked in. she is not going to move. she's not going anywhere. something else that kind of intrigues me. look at the preoccupation. i don't understand this gesture. i really got nothing here for you folks. look how they solve the problem of keeping the little girl still in this one. put your head on daddy's shoulder. so charming. here he is with his staff. the staff looks off in all different directions. then you'll find a slightly different shot. oh, yeah, w

remember gardner was very politically active and very politically motivated and very much an abolition abolitionist abolitionist. so when he constructed this, you know when he was trying to make a statement. they may not have shoes like you, but they want the same things. could you even imagine a more pay tree-- patriarchal scene than this? he's always trying to needle in a political point and in this case it's right between by jeff davis in the doorway is the table upon which the surrender of general lee that's now the photographic pride. one of the other things that i enjoy is look at the girl. look at daddy's knee and mother's chair. she is locked in. she is not going to move. she's not going anywhere. something else that kind of intrigues me. look at the preoccupation. i don't understand this gesture. i really got nothing here for you folks. look how they solve the problem of keeping the little girl still in this one. put your head on daddy's shoulder. so charming. here he is with his staff. the staff looks off in all different directions. then you'll find a slightly different shot. oh, yeah, w

remember gardner was very politically active and very politically motivated and very much an abolition abolitionist abolitionist. so when he constructed this, you know when he was trying to make a statement. they may not

the north that abolitionist radical republicans were intent on surrender but the evidence suggests a complex picture. in the eyes of the newspaper editor whoas greeley was the mean to an end to secure the asent of the south to emancipation. northerns and abolitionists saw this as an emblem of their own moral authority and their moral superiority and that proves as he would write that a civilization based on the free labor is of a higher and more human type of that than based on slavery. greeley favored grant's terms because as he put, it i want as many rebels as possible to live to see the south rejuvenated and transformed by the influence of free labor. what fitter fate in greeley eyes for the likes of jefferson davis and robert e. lee than have to live in the brave new world and be witness to an unfolding social new revolution n. essence, northerns said to the south, we don't want to inflict further punishments, we want you to change and confederates responded that any demand for change was a punishment and a breaking of a compact made at appomattox. and this contest over the surrender's meaning didn't simply pit the south against the north or even the confederacy a

abolitionists argument. that was the argument you could not have emancipation because if you did, you would have been just an race war and social chaos. abolitionists have been saying for decades that you would have your first chance of harmony because slavery, not, is the source of vision. diffuse emancipation memories with peace and harmony, those are not necessarily agendas that are at odds. prof. brundage: let me offer one anecdote. i was thinking in savannah, there were a group of so-called -- african-american men meeting. in their circle, many of them affiliated with booker t. washington. many were also founders of the local chapter of the naacp when a chapter was opened in many of them were also supporters of marquise barbie's organization, the pan africanist of the late late 19th century. we would see that as being a blue state-red state divide. these men were members sometimes of all three simultaneously. prof. varon: let's talk a little bit about, and it came up in the earlier panels, about this sesquicentennial as compared to the centennial celebrations as term as where things stand as far as our

sincere in their hatred of what they saw as an invading army.nvadin sincere in their hatred of the abolitionist and black republicans that they blamed for starting the war. sincere in their belief that they had the best army and the rmy an best d generals. they were never shaken in those beliefs all the way up to to appomattox and beyond for generations. so general grant was right not gen to doubt their sincerity.er general grant's portrayal at appomattox gave the white south what it most wanted, and thought m it had certainly earned. respect. the soldiers were not fooled into fighting, they said. we were not traitors they said.they but were sincere believers that at we upheld the same ideals that other americans upheld.s our own freedom, our own . independence, our own rights. they used exactly the same wordst the sa as the northern counterparts and meant the same thing. as a result the fighting in the confederates' eyes could be and was divorced from the worst cause for which a people ever fought. they can say they did not fight for slavery, but rather for home e and rightsve.r they would say

sincere in their hatred of what they saw as an invading army.nvadin sincere in their hatred of the abolitionist republicans that they blamed for starting the war. sincere in their belief that they had the best army and the rmy an best d generals. they were never shaken in those beliefs all the way up to to appomattox and beyond for generations. so general grant was right not gen to doubt their sincerity.er general grant's portrayal at appomattox gave the white south what it most wanted, and thought m it had certainly earned. respect. the soldiers were not fooled into fighting, they said. we were not traitors they said.they but were sincere believers that at we upheld the same ideals that other americans upheld.s our own freedom, our own . independence, our own rights. they used exactly the same wordst the sa as the northern counterparts and meant the same thing. as a result the fighting in the confederates' eyes could be and was divorced from the worst cause for which a people ever fought. they can say they did not fight for slavery, but rather for home e and rightsve.r they would say that thre

to leave the united states, sincere in their hatred of what they saw as an invading army, sincere in their hatred of the abolitionist and a black republicans that they blamed for starting the war, sincere and there believe that they had the best army and the best general. they were never shaken and those believes all the way up to appomattox and beyond for generations. so general grant was right, not to doubt their sincerity. now, general grant's betrayal at appomattox gave the white south what it most wanted and thought it had earned. respect. the soldiers were not fooled into fighting, they said, we were not traders, they said, but were sincere believers and we have held the same ideals that other americans have held. our own freedom, our own independence, our own rights. they used exactly the same words as the northern counterparts. as a result, the fighting, and the confederate size could be and was divorced from the worst cause for which people ever fought. they could say they did not fight for slavery, but rather for home and rights. they would say that three fourths of them were not slaveholders, but that all

abolitionists. who's memory do we pick? prior to the centennial that was an easy question. because history to some degree always reflects those who possess who are in power. of course since the beginning of the centennial the dynamics of our political conversation, the dynamics of power within our society changed dramatically. women's rights movement. i think most of us are glad. it's an important part of the story. the civil rights movement of course. so it goes on. new scholarship. scholarships with job of academics is to agitate us all and provoke us, and they do. they challenge us. they ask questions. some of it we don't like. some of it makes us feel a little bit uncomfortable or unstable. have pretty convincingly shown us that many the cultural assumptions about the war, the simplities that we cherish were purposely shaped in order to help the nation achieve reconciliation. slavery was not benign. we treated our slaves well. we often heard that. i've heard that in my career. we've all heard that but we know that simply not true nor was it on its last legs in virginia

an invading army. sincere in their hatred of the abolitionist and the black republicans that they blame for starting thee in their belief they had the best army and the best generals. they were never shaken in those beliefs all the way up to appomattox and beyond for generations. so general grant was right not to doubt their sincerity. now, general grant's portrayal of appomattox gave the white south what it most wanted and thought it had certainly earned. respect. the soldiers were not fooled into fighting, they said. we were not traitors, they said but were sincere believers that we upheld the same ideals that other americans upheld. our own freedom, our own independence, our own rights. they used exactly the same words as the northern counterparts and meant the same thing. as a result, the fighting in the confederates' eyes could be and was divorced from the worst cause for which a people ever fought. they would say that 3/4 of them were not slave holders but that all were citizens and soldiers. and, indeed, the root cause that all knew somehow the cause of the war was buried deeply during most of th

an invading army. sincere in their hatred of the abolitionist and the black republicans that they blame for starting the war. sincere in their belief they had the best army and the best generals. they were never shaken in those beliefs all the way up to appomattox and beyond for generations. so general grant was right not to doubt their sincerity. now, general grant's portrayal of appomattox gave the white south what it most wanted and thought it had certainly earned. respect. the soldiers were not fooled into fighting, they said. we were not traitors, they said but were sincere believers that we upheld the same ideals that other americans upheld. our own freedom, our own independence, our own rights. they used exactly the same words as the northern counterparts and meant the same thing. as a result, the fighting in the confederates' eyes could be and was divorced from the worst cause for which a people ever fought. they would say that 3/4 of them were not slave holders but that all were citizens and soldiers. and, indeed, the root cause that all knew somehow the cause of the war was buried deeply durin

an ardent successionist. he didn't hold back in his private writings. he saw white people begging in the street, he could not contain his fury. lincoln and white abolitionist were cowards destitute and perverted. there were also white northerners who despised lincoln. these with his political opponents, the copperheads. the archives perreserve them too. these actions are preserved in the national archive in court court-martial records. one of the men announced i'm glad he's dead. some of these soldiers were brought up on charges of treason after the fact. the crowds were unprecedented from california to kansas to washington up through new england. black churches and white churches were jammed with worshippers eager to make sense of what felt incomprehensible. listening as their ministers tried to explain the5 assassination as part of god's devine plan for the future. confederates were sure that the assassination was god's will. lincoln's mourners did tremble. many took comfort in their minister's explanations. i was most interested in those who wrestled with their faith, wrestled the god in the faith of such unprecedented calamity. i cannot reconcile mysel

abolitionists worried. hundreds of thousands of northerners sent petitions to congress. they signed their names and saying we want a constitutional amendments. and congress did finally come up with an amendment. no one was quite happy with the wording, it was revised several times until we got to the point where we got the one that we do have. the getting that amendment passed was very difficult. but very important. prof. varon: you make an important point, when we look at any of these changes, whether that's the enlistment of african-american troops or the 13th amendment, there are actions on the ground in the south, mainly this mass exodus that are driving those big decisions. they are also lobbying from northerners and free blacks in the north for these policies like enlistment. that's another source of pressure moving lincoln. prof. brundage: the ratification of the 13th amendment is part of this drawnout process of cleaning up the mess, if you will inherited in part by the civil war, but also the dred scott decision. earlier there was talk about the 14th and 15th amendment. this is all, once you've destroyed slavery, the question of what is to come after slavery for african-am

abolitionists. who's memory do we pick? prior to the centennial that was an easy question. because history to some degree always reflects those who possess who are in power. of course since the beginning of the centennial the dynamics of our political conversation, the dynamics of power within our society changed dramatically. women's rights movement. i think most of us are glad. it's an important part of the story. the civil rights movement of course. so it goes on. new scholarship. scholarships with job of academics is to agitate us all and provoke us, and they do. they challenge us. they ask questions. some of it we don't like. some of it makes us feel a little bit uncomfortable or unstable. have pretty convincingly shown us that many the cultural assumptions about the war, the simplities that we cherish were purposely shaped in order to help the nation achieve reconciliation. slavery was not benign. we treated our slaves well. we often heard that. i've heard that in my career. we've all heard that but we know that simply not true nor was it on its last legs in virginia

an extraordinary role in this nation. from the revolution of this country, to its members being involved in the constitutional convention, to the strong support by the abolitionistsr the suffragettes. by late leadership. by republicans and democrats. the people of massachusetts have a high standard for progress to be made by the representatives. it is one that challenges all of us each day. senator edward m kennedy. [applause] vice president biden: now that we have heard from our past let's make a pledge for our future. i invite everyone on the floor and in the gallery to please stand and join me in making a commitment to the leadership and service this institution represents. please respond by saying i do. we, the people of this hallowed chamber, to strengthen the american system of self-government make the following pledge. the you solemnly swear that you will be an active and engaged citizen of the united states? do you pledge to show courage and compassion in your service to others? do you pledge to use your heart soul, intelligence, and imagination to make america better? do you pledge to work together with anyone regardless of differences and background or

an exceptional nation indispensable, freedom has many meern meanings but the nation was founded in the belief that we got to create a more perfect union. that's not going to happen. founded by abolitionistsd in -- committed to ending slavery. and the echos of that fight continue in different periods. >> one of the things that surprised me i had no idea i don't think most people would, that it was founded by abolitionists, 1865 the year the civil war ended. and yet in the '80s and '90s you talk about the mixed record of the nation where actually the sympathy for former slaves went away support for jim crowe laws -- what happened? >> you know i would ask viewers to reader rick phoner's essay in this issue andly co-editor of this issue has a book coming out called "the nation a biography," it's "the nation" tracked the liberalism and the arc of the country. >> very quickly the reformers of that era got tired of dealing with the question of race and the question of racial justice. we saw that in the pages of "the nation" as well. i think what's interesting use read through the issue you read through the history of this debate that we've bb having and that we're still having. one of the most