but barry goldwater very publicly opposes the bill. >> i don't believe that law can solve a problem ofng fear among some conservatives, and goldwater, that the federal government getting involved in civil rights was federal overreach, that it was big government. and this is a blemish on george h.w. bush's record, because he supported goldwater in that move. >> when george bush decided to reject the civil rights act of 1964, it showed that he was willing to reject the principles he'd grown up with for the sake of political gain. >> it's clear that george bush is more of a political animal than people make out. everybody talks about yale and a blue blood and a war hero. but he was a raw, political, machiavellian monster in his own way. bush is drinking the barry goldwater kool-aid. >> you know, it's a conservative's dream to run against ralph yarborough for the united states senate. his extreme liberal views make him an open target, and his cynical, vote-grabbing tactics leave his position indefensible. >> but a majority of americans support lyndon johnson's liberal platform of social wi

so a number of prominent republicans from the southwest in the 1960's, barry goldwater, the arizona conservative, john tower, a republican senator from texas, and ronald reagan, made strong it feels to mexican-americans on the basis of his sense of racial victimization and that they have legitimate concerns around discrimination and inclusion in the democratic party and they offered, republicans did, a chance to hold out the prospect of a better deal from republicans. to some degree, putting african-americans in their place. by the time of richard nixon, republicans were in office when nixon was sworn in and nixon had to figure out what am i going to do for these people that we spent the 1960's saying we would do much better for you. republicans maintained a certain element of racial polarization, that is they pitted mexican-americans, especially, and african-americans in context with one another. they also added more positive programs for the initiation of affirmative-action programs in the federal civil service to provide new levels of access to white-collar employment. primarily for mexican-a

few people like libertarian barry goldwater who wants to tinker with the social security state. in 1973, a gallup poll said that 91% of americans believed that tax laws should be changed to ease the burden of moderate and lower income and increase those on higher income and corporations. seeof americans want to taxes on the rich and corporations are raised. the majority of americans still believe that. it just hasn't been part of policy. 1973, 72% of americans agree that the federal government has a responsibility to do away with poverty in this country. although 69% were skeptical thought more, 62% should be done to help the poor. one thing to bear in mind is goalfull employment as a is part of the basic platform of every political party until the 1970's. they don't achieve it but it is a goal. the idea that everyone should have a job. they don't get it. it is there that has the value. it is something that disappears later on. the key to prosperity in this country -- this is true when you right to work platforms and legislation. the key was always the opportunity to work. to ha

he tapped the phones of his political opponent, who barry goldwater.ow what goldwater was planning because they had his headquarters bugged. they knew what was going on, too. i was told you what's interesting about all this, sean. the media didn't give a. you talk about abuse of power, these are abuses of power, now i want to bring her to present day. these are the practices of democratic administrations. you might ask me, what about nixon? dixon did use the iraq's, he picked up the practices of lyndon johnson and kennedy. they never against johnson and kennedy. so one of the impeachment charges against nixon had to do with using the irs. of course, nixon was thinking, they did it before me. it didn't matter. "the washington post," the same "washington post," the same bed bradley hood access to certain internal revenue information and fbi files as a result of kennedy, they went after him. why am i bringing all this up? barack obama, barack obama, the irs was used to go after the tea party. they viewed that the party as a threat. we've never got to the

of the senate on march 11, 2019, at 3:14 p.m., that the senate passed senate 752, appointment barry goldwater scholarship in excellence and education foundation. signed, sincerely, cheryl l. johnson. the speaker pro tempore: pursuant to clause 12-a of rule 1, the chair declares the house in recess until approximately including one that requires a federal reserve board member to testify on the status of pending and anticipated fed rulemakings. tomorrow work on bills related to the russian government under president putin's leadership, and several more on public disclosure. and later this week, debate on a sense of congress that special counsel robert mueller's report should be made available to the public and dong. follow the house live on c-span when members return today at 6:30 eastern. >> tonight on the communicators, former f.c.c. chair tom wheeler talk about his new book. >> it's never the primary network that is transformative. but it's the secondary effects of that network. it's how, for instance, the printing press not only enabled luther, but allowed the .enaissance to come out the te

raise those sorts of questions because i'm not a medical professional, and we saw in 1964 with barry goldwater's campaign, these questions about mental fitness have been part of our politics for a long time. republicans though who are not medical professionals, they do wonder about the president's conduct and they wonder is this a president who could be controlled at all, can he be guided in any way? there's really a meekness, i perceive, in my conversations with republican officials. they don't know what to do. they don't know how to explain his behavior. they don't if anything they say will guide him towards the center or mainstream and they feel he's so popular, they will get dragged along with him to the riptide, however it winds up >> it's so interesting, when bob corker was in the senate, he made an effort to raise this issue. he held a hearing to try to limit the nuclear authority and powers of the american president. he talked about the white house's adult day care. he questioned donald trump's fitness and capacity to serve. but as robert costa is saying, the political reality kept other

>> darrell: there's never been a campaign that was more eavesdropped perhaps since barry goldwater, hiswas bugged by the fbi. this is an example, though, of the one who made the accusation. when the accusation turns out to be wrong. in other words, hillary clinton. you look then at the accuser. in this case, the fake dossier, the democratic national committee, and havard clinton now are coming under scrutiny for what turns out to be, after an extensive investigation, false accusations that, in fact, were created by giving a foreign agent -- british, in this case -- to work with the russians to create this fake dossier that has cost the american people tens if not hundreds of millions of dollars. >> melissa: jessica, rather than hillary clinton, it was president obama who started this and started talking about the russians. kind of pointed the justice department at that point in president trump's direction. >> jessica: mitch mcconnell was when he told president obama he didn't want to investigate further about russian interference. i can't believe that we just got the four page summary f

you know, reagan used to say -- i think that first speech in 1964 for barry goldwater, right before theow just known as the speech. he said the problem with liberals is not that they don't know but just so much they think they know that isn't so. that's what has to be applied now i think to people who are inclined to believe the president at all costs. >> i have about 20 seconds. when carl bernstein says, as he says to this day, republicans were the heroes of watergate, is that too easy or do you concur with that writ large? >> they were very late. at the very end of the day they jumped in front of the train. i think in a weird way it transcends those quick -- the standard partisan dimensions here. there's about 20% of the country that actually does make up their mind based on facts, and i think it's on those folks who are not already assigned to one team or the other. and they need to be the umpires. >> i'm amazed you didn't just call them better angels. thank you very much. you transcend your fair share as well. jon meacham, always such a pleasure to have him as part of our broadcast,

barry goldwater 1964, runs , against lbj, loses and a landslide, but he runs as an kind of ideological libertarian conservative against government programs. he is a hawk. he is also opposed to civil rights law. that is a complicated story in many ways. but goldwater, in 1964, his loss puts an end to the conservative movement. but the events of the late 1960's going into the 1970's will provide more fodder for the republican party. kevin phillips in 1969 writes a book called "the emerging republican majority." he looks at the sun belt, the white south, blue-collar whites in the north and says, these will be part of a future republican majority and he turns , out to be right. nixon's silence majority speech which we have talked about was part of that. this distrust of institution this anti-authority feeling, , this greater emphasis on individualism will help fuel political conservatism. ironically because of its criticisms of government, of big government. reagan will come into office in 1981 and he will say in his inaugural that the problem is government. government is the problem. this

bush or ronald reagan or barry goldwater or dwight eisenhower was announced. this is a new place.is party is in. >> listen, i think that both parties, joe, are in disturbing times. i do. >> not both parties. name me a time when democrats at a convention had stood and cheered the death of a republican. >> well, i would have to think about whether they ever stood and cheered of a democrat. that's the analogy. the analogy is the cheering of death of one of their own. i can't think of one off the top of my head, joe, as an example of that. but my point to you is broader. which is that that is indicative of the fact that things are very different than when i first started coming on this program. when i first started coming on this program i was being cheered by folks of both parties for working with both sides. >> but it's different because of donald trump, is it not? even when republicans and democrats didn't get along and that has been going on a long time, you still didn't have people cheering the death of a political figure who crossed their dear leader. >> no. but i do think that

you've got nice and gary bald -- barry goldwater.back they oftentimes are successful and i don't think there's a big appetite on the right as much as there is on the left. david: one thing donald trump is due have to fix america and keep it on the right track. they want someone who has real world experience even in the wild word of realist date, then as a possible at the very least whoever that may be to be from the real world rather than the academic or political one. >> someone who's not poll tested. and what is accomplished. david: in the debate that proves i'm smart. he didn't run away from it. chris bedford, good to see you. tree into the ceo says the company is going to step up restructuring of power and that is where we are going to begin the next segment. we'll be right back. ♪ now... grandpa, what about your dream car? this is my dream now. principal we can help you plan for that . that's it. i'm calling kohler about their walk-in bath. nah. not gonna happen. my name is ken. how may i help you? hi, i'm calling about kohler's

>> a sickly but compile a book called reagan plus the famous 1964 speech where he endorses barry goldwaterd they are relative today. stuart: that was that cpac? you lead and chaired with president trump and his two-hour speech. >> the president spoke longer this year than the 13 speeches of reagan combined. >> extremism in the pursuit of liberty is no vice. >> very goldwater said that. reagan was known as taking very goldwater's philosophy of smaller government and constitution and putting a smile on it in telling stories about it. we need a little bit of that today, too. >> when you smile and deliver -- you know something about that. what a great guy. thanks for being with us. appreciate it always. i am staunchly against more taxes in the state of new jersey. i lived there. we told you about this one before but i'm going to repeat it. the proposed rain tax. if you're in a parking lot for your business or large area of land, you are apparently responsible for what washes into the storm drain when it rains. that is now a bona fide state law. the larger your land, the more you'll pay. i kid

impeached, charged in the house, and he kind of joked according to goldwater's diary, confirmed by the other participants, hey, look, barry of you needed 34 to stay in office in a senate trial, and goldwater said, mr. president, i counted, you have four votes. one of them is not mine. and talk -- >> rough. >> yes, rough. stuck it to him. the next night nixon announced he was resigning. >> that's another one of your books, "the final days." a hell of a book. anyway, over the past 24 hours democrats have spoke with one voice in calling for the mueller report to be released in full. let's watch. >> the entire unfiltered report as well as the evidence underlying that report must be made available to congress and to the american people. >> the mueller report must be made public for a full accounting. >> let's have the president urge the attorney general to release the report in its totality to the american people. >> i think the american people deserve to see the report itself, not simply the attorney general's summary of it. >> we need the mueller report and the documentation released so that the public can make a determinati