got a number of republican senators into action and wound up with a group of them are led by barry goldwater and going to the white house and talking to recite. so that was a different situation but i really think it depends on how the evidence comes out in the next couple days you know but what did you think of the president's lawyers and their presentation yesterday. pretty terrible part of the problem is when you're a trial lawyer and you're putting on a chase whether it's an impeachment case or whether it's a criminal case or civil case you always have to have some kind of the theory behind the case story to tell and he means it or they just didn't have it i mean walk the main lawyer for donald trump who got up there and started talking and it kind of reminded me of a guy either yes natural or party before a wedding that was drunk and just went from one topic to another topic to this topic and there wasn't really a coherent story or a coherent defense of delinquency gether doing i mean the only defense that donald trump possibly has here is that he didn't mean he didn't intend to incite

got a number of republican senators into action and wound up with a group of them are led by barry goldwater and going to the white house and talking to resign. so that was a different situation but i really think it depends on how the evidence comes out in the next couple days you know what did you think of the president's lawyers and their presentation yesterday. pretty terrible part of the problem is when you're a trial lawyer and you're putting on a chase whether it's an impeachment case or whether it's a criminal case or civil case you always have to have some kind of the theory behind the case story to tell an even more they just didn't have it i mean walked the main lawyer for donald trump who got up there and started talking and it kind of reminded me of a guy other than natural or party before a wedding that was drunk and just went from one topic to another topic to this topic and there wasn't really a coherent story or a coherent defense it wouldn't be gathered you and i mean the only defense that donald trump possibly has here is that he didn't mean he didn't intend to incite peop

a year later, senator barry goldwater lost to the incumbent democrat lyndon johnson in a historicallysided presidential election. by that point, many americans associated goldwater with murder. as the decades passed, the media kept repeating this lie. by the 50th anniversary of the kennedy assassination, the "new yorker" magazine was still blaming "anticommunism" for the fact that an avowed communist had murdered the president. just because it's absurd doesn't mean they wasn't say it with a straight face and they do. by now it's likely that most americans believe that's exactly what happened. why wouldn't they believe it? that is what they have been told. that point is worth ruminating on and remembering. history is a political tool. history is not simply a record of what happened. history is a way to shape the future. history is used to hurt some people and to help other people gain power. history is never neutral. we are watching our own history being written before us right now. consider this clip. it's from msnbc last night. in this clip, famous historian michael beschloss compare

got a number of republican senators into action and wound up with a group of them are led by barry goldwater and going to the white house and talking to resign. so that was a different situation but i really think it depends on how the evidence comes out in the next couple days you know what did you think of the president's lawyers and their presentation yesterday. pretty terrible part of the problem is when you're a trial lawyer and you're putting on a chase whether it's an impeachment case or whether it's a criminal case or civil case you always have to have some kind of the theory behind the case and story to tell an even more they just didn't have it i mean it was the main lawyer for donald trump who got up there and started talking i mean it kind of reminded me of a guy that yes that party before a wedding that was drunk and just went from one topic to another topic to this topic and there wasn't really a coherent story or a coherent defense that delinquency get or doing i mean the only defense that donald trump possibly has here is that he didn't mean he didn't intend to incite people

got a number of republican senators into action and wound up with a group of them are led by barry goldwater and going to the white house and talking to recite. so that was a different situation but i really think it depends on how the evidence comes out in the next couple days you know what did you think of the president's lawyers and their presentation yesterday. pretty terrible part of the problem is when you're a trial lawyer and you're putting on a chase whether it's an impeachment case or whether it's a criminal case or civil case you always have to have some kind of the theory behind the case and story to tell an even more they just didn't have it i mean it was the main lawyer for donald trump who got up there and started talking and it kind of reminded me of a guy that yes bachelor party before a wedding that was drunk and just went from one topic to another topic to this topic and there wasn't really a coherent story or a coherent defense of delinquency gather doing i mean the only defense that donald trump possibly has here is that he didn't mean he didn't intend to incite people t

causes at the expense of voters in the suburbs, and we're basically choosing to be the party of barry goldwater ronald reagan in terms of are we going to be a big tent approach to winning elections, or are we going to be more purist minority party. gerry: it is worrying, as you say, exactly as you say at the time when you have a democratic administration with a razor thin majority in congress is nonetheless with that razor thin majority pushing through a really radical set of policies. but let me ask you, dan, because i think one of the concerns is, you know, this is going to go on, right? we're going to see primary channels, presumably, to some of those -- possibly all of those house members. how does the party get -- we could see, this could consume the party for at least the next couple of years, couldn't it? >> well, absolutely. i think we need to figure out how to keep president trump and his pop lists onboard and energized, but we also need to take a step back. and, again, we need to look a little more ronald reagan, a little bit less donald trump in terms of focus on being lessties viciv

causes at the expense of voters in the suburbs, and we're basically choosing to be the party of barry goldwaterald reagan in terms of are we going to be a big tent approach to winning elections, or are we going to be more purist minority party. gerry: it is worrying, as you say, exactly as you say at the time when you have a democratic administration with a razor thin majority in congress is nonetheless with that razor thin majority pushing through a really radical set of policies. but let me ask you, dan, because i think one of the concerns is, you know, this is going to go on, right? we're going to see primary channels, presumably, to some of those -- possibly all of those house members. how does the party get -- we could see, this could consume the party for at least the next couple of years, couldn't it? >> well, absolutely. i think we need to figure out how to keep president trump and his pop lists onboard and energized, but we also need to take a step back. and, again, we need to look a little more ronald reagan, a little bit less donald trump in terms of focus on being lessties vicive, m

causes at the expense of voters in the suburbs, and we're basically choosing to be the party of barry goldwaterreagan in terms of are we going to be a big tent approach to winning elections, or are we going to be more purist minority party. gerry: it is worrying, as you say, exactly as you say at the time when you have a democratic administration with a razor thin majority in congress is nonetheless with that razor thin majority pushing through a really radical set of policies. but let me ask you, dan, because i think one of the concerns is, you know, this is going to go on, right? we're going to see primary channels, presumably, to some of those -- possibly all of those house members. how does the party get -- we could see, this could consume the party for at least the next couple of years, couldn't it? >> well, absolutely. i think we need to figure out how to keep president trump and his pop lists onboard and energized, but we also need to take a step back. and, again, we need to look a little more ronald reagan, a little bit less donald trump in terms of focus on being lessties vicive, more

would have been convicted is what caused courageous leadership by the republicans, sen senator barry goldwater at the time, they would turn against nixon unless he resigns. if they did not resign, they would make sure he's convicted. that's not what mechcconnell di. they gave donald trump, his constitutional attitudes and demagogue -- enabling a violent, ugly and not just a small strain in our culture today to have a leash on life they do not deserve. they are the republican party as we go forward. they are in mcconnell's republican party. and that's where we are left with today, instead of the opportunity for a truly conservative principle. republican party of a new kind of opposition of the democrats but without the horror and neo fascism. >> understandably president trump and -- president biden and vice president harris, the leadership that we'll get will come from local republicans and faith communities that'll reject this is seditious view of our government. those groups, joe biden can talk to and show respect for but in the end, the movement to clean the republican party must be led by t

the liberal new yorker nelson rockefeller co-existing with the far right werner barry goldwater. it all worked. but then came the first stirrings of the civil rights movement. >> you're not a texan if you're not for segregation. >> in 1954 the supreme court ruled that segregating schools was un-constitutional. >> the white children went to school and we stood outside. >> for the next ten years, there was a new civil war in the south. to bring black children into lilly white schools. >> i have a dream! >> then came an earthquake. the civil rights act of 1964. just months after john kennedy's assassination, the new democratic president, lyndon baines johnson, famous for bending congress to his will, got the bill through. >> the civil rights act of 1964 is signed at the white house by president johnson. >> and when he signed it, he said to an aide, i just handed the south to the republicans for a generation. johnson was wrong about that. it's been about three. we began to have a democratic party that was in the main more liberal and a republican party that was in the main far more r

but she correctly identify the people, and barry goldwater was the nominee in 1964. so here's another question about politics, at the time of his appointment to the cabinet, there was considerable publicity about the fact that secretary of defense, robert mcnamara, had to sell his holdings. he was the president of forward before he joined the government. do you think it is necessary, to penalize public servants in this way? it seems to me that if our cabinet members, cannot be trusted to separate personal interests, from public duty, they should not be trusted in such important positions at all. eleanor says it is customary and has been for many years, four people accepting position in government, to divest themselves of holdings in any enterprise but does business with the government. it is not a question of distrust, it is a question of influence, that might stem from the mere fact that they have such holdings. therefore it is probably a wise decision that no one working in the government, shall have a considerable interest in any company, transacting business with

to impeachment proceedings by e use, ty had not tone to the forger formallimpeach hi senator barry goldwaternator scott and other leading senate republicans went er to the white house and had a private meeting with richard nixon. they basically said, your time is up. you have lost your base. you're going to be impeached and convicted. compare that with the spineless senate republicans where trump' cres are n just stitutiol against the separati of powers and seizing congressional power by his white house, his crimes were street crimes, violent street crimes endangering the very lives of the republican senators shouting "hang mike pence" and pushing all the members of congress playing for the lives who the hallways underground the capital complex, with all kinds of mayhem, fatalities, and injuries. and still none of the republican leaders will go to the white house figuratively and basically say, "it's over." amy: what kind of affect you think it would've had, for example, if eugene goodman was brought in, the capitol police officer who clearly saved mitt romney, who led the rioters in the oth

the society became so influential, it endorsed barry goldwater's candidacy for president and voter'sociation of him with them arguably helped bring it down. remember, extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. apparently extremism, it actually is a vice. unlike mccarthy, conservative leaders like richard nixon, william buckley, despite their anticommunist zeal, rallied to boot them out of the party calling them nuts who were devoid of conservative ideals and they chased them out, or at least they quieted them down. they opposed adding fluoride to the nation's water supply, saying it was a mass medical treatment and most of the united states government, including dwight d. eisenhower, were under secret communist mind control. today mother jones is reporting that greene was a moderator of a group that pushed racist memes and championed the john birch society. she proclaims her hate on social media, a modern day bircher. joining me now is david jolly, and david corn, washington bureau chief for mother jones and the journalist behind that scoop on the "q" congresswoman. i will start

causes at the expense of voters in the suburbs, and we're basically choosing to be the party of barry goldwatere a big tent approach to winning elections, or are we going to be more purist minority party. gerry: it is worrying, as you say, exactly as you say at the time when you have a democratic administration with a razor thin majority in congress is nonetheless with that razor thin majority pushing through a really radical set of policies. but let me ask you, dan, because i think one of the concerns is, you know, this is going to go on, right? we're going to see primary channels, presumably, to some of those -- possibly all of those house members. how does the party get -- we could see, this could consume the party for at least the next couple of years, couldn't it? >> well, absolutely. i think we need to figure out how to keep president trump and his pop lists onboard and energized, but we also need to take a step back. and, again, we need to look a little more ronald reagan, a little bit less donald trump in terms of focus on being lessties vicive, more big picture. what we really need to

causes at the expense of voters in the suburbs, and we're basically choosing to be the party of barry goldwaterof are we going to be a big tent approach to winning elections, or are we going to be more purist minority party. gerry: it is worrying, as you say, exactly as you say at the time when you have a democratic administration with a razor thin majority in congress is nonetheless with that razor thin majority pushing through a really radical set of policies. but let me ask you, dan, because i think one of the concerns is, you know, this is going to go on, right? we're going to see primary channels, presumably, to some of those -- possibly all of those house members. how does the party get -- we could see, this could consume the party for at least the next couple of years, couldn't it? >> well, absolutely. i think we need to figure out how to keep president trump and his pop lists onboard and energized, but we also need to take a step back. and, again, we need to look a little more ronald reagan, a little bit less donald trump in terms of focus on being lessties vicive, more big picture. wha

here's question which democrat became their political career as a republican on barry goldwater's 1964mpaign? was it joe biden, hillary clinton, bill clinton, or chuck schumer? david what say you. >> it's unfair for you to give me these libertarian questions, it is hillary clinton. kennedy: davis on the board with one free leads the pack but he could face a tying run from tavern wallingford kevin this is your first question here ago. which two presidents have had a son to go on to become president? was it thomas jefferson and thomas edison? john adams and george w. bush? franklin delano roosevelt george w. bush or rutherford b hayes and burt reynolds? >> i like the last impaired but i'll think it's number two. sue for all my gosh kevin that is absolute correct. we have a tie game it is a barnburner here on "prez your luck". herbie goat next round. inez this one's for you. which president dedicated the statue of liberty on october 28, 1886. wasn't my boyfriend ... as a grant? george w. bush? grover cleveland? or abraham lincoln? that would have been effete. [laughter] to back it was cle

before there was rush, there was ronald reagan, there was barry goldwater. the table was attitude, was hatred. he was gaining power in his sphere in the late '80s and the early '90s, exactly when newt gingrich was taking over in the house. and it became -- the notion of moving the republican party, and to a large part, the conservative movement, away from being a cooperating participant in american democracy to being an opponent of democracy. so we've seen all the components of that. the conspiracy theories, the racism, the detachment from reality. and also, the notion that your opponent is not sort of the loyal opposition, but it's the enemy. so in that sense, you know, rush created this world that glenn beck and sean hannity went on to further. but we are all living in his world. >> well, and you know, what's interesting too, these kind of figures, you talk about people who go to war against their own class. fdr who fought the rich to make sure there was a massive sort of social underpinning. just like donald trump, rush limbaugh was this rich, privileged

the author of four books on the history of american conservatism including before the storm, barry goldwater and the making of the americans consensus, nixon land, fall of nixon and the rise of reagan and reagan land, is turtles in the new york times, the nation and newrepublic . welcome rick. >> it's a pleasure and it's an honor. >> and tasha philpot is professor of government at the university of texas and her book focuses enabled roots in the american society to a moredemocratic system . he's authored three books most recent of which is conservative but not republican, paradox of party education among african-americans. welcome tosha. >> thank you. >> where grateful to all of you for joining us and jane, i'll turn it over to you . >> so i think that the best way to start is at the beginning and i'm interested to hear from all of you how we got to this point. both with the events that took place on january 6 and in our current moment in conservatism because i would argue this has been an ongoing theme of movement conservatism in the united states since 1950s and 1960s in which you have a c

and cpac was founded back at the wake of barry goldwater's loss and willm f. buckley was part of the origin. it was the conservative kwhoz wanted to challenge them on policy and a direction of the party. there is none of that right now. so when you see governor desantis of florida and cruz, are they going to go down there and hug donald trump, probably not. if they are not going to defy him, i wouldn't expect that. >> this is not about the direction of the party. right, john. this is about just making sure they could bet re-elected. they're not talking about policy. they're talking about what happened in november and trying to convince a greeater and greater portion that they should get out there for revenge on the democrats. >> we remember ronald reagan when he spoke about the republicans being a big tent party. well it is emerging more like a small tent party. thank you very much. >>> up next, a close ally of president biden breaks with house speaker nance and backs a purely bipartisan commission to investigate the capitol siege. we'll talk about that and mo

remember the days when there was the nelson rockefeller, harold it staszen wing and the barry goldwater wing. and they were able to reconcile themselves and stay focused upon the most fundamental principles which they agreed. >> mitt romney says we need to have a big tent, but the tent doesn't need to include conservatives and kooks. the tent doesn't need to be that big, according to mitt romney. >> if i might add on that, conservatives are one thing. this green lady is a kook. she is a negative influence on everything. >> and about conservatism, congressman, i think one of the things that people followed your career, five, ten years ago, no one on earth would have ever questioned your conservative credentials. your credentials as a republican with traditional republican beliefs, i think, are unquestioned. so in that vein, i am curious how you think president biden is doing so far in his job? >> i think he's off to a great start. i like a lot of his appointments. certainly, secretary of state blinken, who i have met before when i was doing things in the department. i think he's tried to

in 1965 buckley was the second most prominent conservative united states birds second only to barry goldwater. he is not quite internationally known yet. they'd heard a buzz about buckley. they knew he was a right wing, they knew he was a critic of the civil rights revolution and so they were intrigued by the prospect of an intellectual battle before their eyes. and so space filled, it got hotter and hotter, the bbc was there to record the event for an international television audience. in soap buckley in baltimore these two embodiments of two movements. baldwin the civil rights revolution, the american conservative revolution. this book the fire is upon us, is about that debate. but it's about more than that. you can see it's a thick bucket can be used as a doorstop or a weapon. [laughter] to some with that it is 2 pounds. and the two chapters about the debates are about 250 pages into the book. because buckley and baldwin are almost exact contemporaries. born in 19204 and they lived these parallel lives for their so radically different. they have radical different life experiences. what i d

i would say it really started in the '90s, but you could even go back to the primary of barry goldwater and the new conservative movement way back in the 20th century, as i study my history classes in college. but it's scary. it's really scary, because people used to think they're mostly a group of good people that truly want what's best for the country. and, yeah, there is a fringe of people that may or may not be white supremacists, but that's a very small minority of people. but now what we're seeing is there are actual conspiracy theorists and white supremacists that are becoming the party. and the fringe are those people that were originally, you know, believed to be the majority. and it's truly terrifying. what if we were -- what happens in an instance -- how are we supposed to get along as a country? we tend to get the things done that we do agree on. there are so many homeless people across the country right now. kids are dying every day from gun violence. we can we not stop getting at each other's tloets and focus on helping the american people. that's the frustrating thing to

senator barry goldwater's campaign for president in georgia's first congressional district n 1980, mac defeated long time democratic senator herman talmadge and served in the senate from january 1981 until january 1987. he was the first republican to serve in the united states senate from georgia since reconstruction. in his post senatorial campaign, president reagan appointed mac to serve as assistant secretary-general for defense support for nato in brussels, belgium. he was later appointed as ambassador by president gorge bush. he's contributed greatly to georgia and the united states as a whole through all the positions he's held. i'm thankful for his amazing life and i wish him and his family the best in the years to come. mr. speaker, i rise today to remember and honor steven tutele of savannah, georgia, who recently passed away at the age of 32 on december 20. steven was a man of remarkable character and a giving heart to hugh no stranger. he and his family were ingrained in the local savannah community and everyone who knew him recognized his lighthearted personality and passio

gersen piece that you cited in the lede is that he tries to draw this hard distinction between the barry goldwaterreagan tendency and this fascist tendency that he names and he said, if you try to equate this, it's utter nonsense, and no one's trying to equate, i think. i think part of the argument is what does it mean to play fast and loose with these tendencies in american history? what does it mean as a political party to use -- to appeal to white resentment and white grievance as a strategy to mobilize voters during election cycles? what does it mean to play with that fire? what happens when that fire expands, when it begins to consume the party? and what happens when it actually, shall we say, dove tails with an aspect of american history. remember, there's a yale lawyer who wrote a wonderful book, an interesting book entitled "hitler's american model." and he talks about the nuremberg laws of 1935, not the genocide, and he said that hitler looked to the united states, america first, looked at our anti-miscegenation laws, our immigration laws, our second class citizen laws, looked at the ways