but not barry goldwater.he ones that follow him in the 70s who basically come out of the nixon defeat should say the nixon resignation, they have a completely different although a lot of the same people, they have an entirely new organizing tactic. that's basically the take things people are angry about and use them as leverage to get them into the conservative coalition. it is very much a process. a lot of these issues are the 1960s social liberation issues. one of the guys said it's the achilles heel of the liberal democrats but he means gay rights, he means abortion, pornography, people in the grassroots in middle america really angry about the stuff. they don't really think of them as political issues. we are going to politicize them, we are going to organize a route them. it's a huge part of occult organizing discontent how they build a coalition that can basically do what goldwater failed to do but succeeded in 1980. >> now, people like me, i am a millennial socialist. a lot of us, people in the democra

if you read reagan's message in the '60s it deviates hardly at all from barry goldwater's, but barry r didn't have an observable sense of humor like that, didn't draw people in. and it strikes me that i don't know if it's a default setting for conservatives and it is neighbor just in the nature of conservatism in the united states, that they tend to do righteous indignation better than they do a lot of other emotions. with barry goldwater there was this sense that you were sort of being lectured to. there was either -- there was an undercurrent or maybe an explicit overcurrent of anger in this, but reagan took that away. so is reagan maybe simply the anomaly among conservatives? is barry goldwater sort of more like the conservative mind and maybe we're returning to that where -- i mean, as jonathan suggested, there was blood on the floor at the convention of '64 among the republicans and it was, you know, are we going to be conservative enough. so is it too much to ask the republicans or conservatives to come up with another reagan because is the reagan personality type just really ra

and with barry goldwater, there is the sense that you are sort of being lectured to. there was an undercurrent -- or maybe an explicit over current, of anger in. this reagan took that away. it is reagan the anomaly among conservatives? is barry goldwater more like the conservative mind and maybe we're returning to that where, as jonathan suggested, there was blood on the floor at the convention of 64 among the republicans. it was, are we going to be conservative enough? so is it too much to ask the republicans, or conservatives, to come up with another reagan? is the reagan personality type just really rare? you can see hubert humphrey, he does find among liberals, but reagan is almost a v hubert humphrey of conservatives. what do you think? and jonathan you can try that one out to. >> i think the question is -- is a really interesting. one in many ways it is why haven't we seen conservatives, over the last 50 years, in spite of the fact that republicans had this long streak of winning the presidency, why have republicans not really been able to put forward whatever o

tom: congressman, i want to go back to barry goldwater. conservative arizona is different than the jacksonian we see in the southeast where most of this covid disaster is going on. the difference between your conservatism and what we see in places with 14% infection, places where we have 80% of icus taken out. >> that's a brilliant question. the conservatism for my community is more what we would call libertarian it. leave me alone. let me try to prosper for my family. it's much less -- it's months less of what you would see as the southeast in other places where their version is more of a notice live economic freedom. it's why you see some interesting diverse population associate with the republican party out west, which is not on the east coast. i have a very large republican jewish committee, something you don't see in other parts. lisa: when you talk about conservative, it's taken on a new meaning. i wonder if the conversation has changed about what it means to be financially free at a time of dominance of big companies. borrowing mone

after the 1964 election were barry goldwater lost badly to lyndon johnson, the republican party was kind of in a rebuilding soul-searching mode. they were very explicit. nixon's campaign advisors new, as michael said after the 1964 election it had already been happening. the trend in service african-americans were fleeing the republican party in droves. and republican strategists after 1964 new they had to make up for that lost support somewhere. latinos were the prime candidates. there long business idea that latinos are natural republicans as reagan famously said a couple decades later tina's are natural republicans i just don't know it yet. there'd also been this logic among mexican american republicans primarily that the democratic party had ignored them over the course of decades. so their theory was that latinos had built up a lot of loyalty to the democratic party ever since the new deal. because fdr was helping them find jobs. was helping them put more food on the table, money in their pockets. they developed according to mexican american republicans this blind loyalty to the dem

mike lee of utah once to sit at barry goldwater's desk. there was a time of peril in 1964. it as a kid. this peril, how do you perceive it worked out across both parties? robert: the mike lee example is such a prism into the gop right now. it was presented with the eastman metal, john easement presented a memo to senator lee about throwing out some electors on january 6 come about searching for alternate electors. lee finds this is not the case. he does a lot of reporting on his own to prove -- to probe the eastman memo and finds there is no such thing as alternate electors. but this man, eastman, was in the oval office on january 4. this is something that was actively going on. pay attention to the action. what are people doing and saying? tom: i can go to your time at cambridge. let's swing to the democrats and look at their peril. i would suggest these democrats are remembered only by bob woodward in washington, pre-obama, pre-clinton. is this fractious democratic party like way back or is it something new? robert: there's a scene in the book where president biden looks

senator barry goldwater, conservative republican from arizona was thinking about running for president in 1964, but he hadn't made his mind up yet. naturally he went to see the editor of america's conservative magazine. buckley and the "national review" thought a newspaper like that would be crucial at that time. john kennedy's approval ratings had hit a high of 75% that spring. but they didn't focus on kennedy's growing numbers or fading politics. no, buckley used the meeting to warn goldwater about a different kind of threat to the conservative cause, a threat from the inside that he referred to as the birch fallacy, the growing influence of the birch society. this was not about russia and chinese governments like most americans were and rightly so. the birchers could be downright paranoid, at least like the propagandists in our country. by the early '60s, the john birch society were making inroads in some pretty far-fetched roads. he said 50% to 70% of the u.s. government were communist controlled. he said the movement in the south had been fomented entirely by communists. he soon s

wade while the wife of libertarian icon in 1964 nominee barry goldwater co-founded planned parenthoodw what's the opposite of libertarian, having the government encourage people to turn in their neighbors but that's essentially what the texas law so-called bounty hunter provision does and incentivize citizens to sue any person who helps a woman longer than six weeks pregnant seek an abortion from doctors and nurses to neighbors and even drivers. and get a minimum of $10,000 in return. that seems more east german s strks asi than walker texas ranger and republicans the party of lawsuits at least where women are concerned but these eye-popping hypocrisies are part of a post trump span. claims of fighting for individual freedom turn into anti-translaws. claims sporting free markets lead to threats against private companies for not towing their partisan line and claims for fighting for election integrity lead to the kneecapping of local election officials make election administrations more susceptible to partisan pressure. they're in favor of government mandating morality just not when it

in 1964, he decided to support barry goldwater. his belief was that johnson was doing in the support of the civil rights movement what lyndon johnson was doing in his support of new government programs were creating too many restrictions on the freedom of individuals like himself. reagan did not oppose civil rights but he opposed the federal government getting too involved in people's lives. lilting their ability to live as they wish. send their kid to school where they want to send them. work where they want to work. he saw lyndon johnson and others as overregulating the economy. overregulating society. he became in a sense, the first major celebrity to get elected to office. goldwater did not win in 1964, but reagan was elected governor of california in 1966. he actually defeated the most recent california governor, jerry brown, he defeated jerry brown's dad, who had been governor before. yep. >> i hope you'll like it. carly wants me to tell you that she likes your shirt. >> oh, well, thank you, carly. thank you very much, carly.

he'll later be a speech writer for barry goldwater.ablishing the ideological template for conservative republicanism which we'll come back to the fore in the 1960s. what's happening in this piece then is basically the re-articulation of a libertarian philosophy. he argues, on 197, that the competitive price system is indispensable. it's a return to like 19th century ideas about the state needs to be out of the economy. in this regard, he's influenced by this guy, frederick hayek, austrian economist who formed his ideas about the need for the price mechanism to be the center of economic activity in vienna where he was very upset by riot s on the street, as people were trying to imagine a more socialist viennese politic. in the 1930s, he leaves vienna, is brought to the london school of economics. now the london school of economics wants some big-time economist to build their econ department, because they're in the shadow of cambridge, where keynes is. they're like, we need to hire a rival and they hire hayek in the late 1930s. who publi

barry goldwater didn't win in 64 but -- 66. he actually defeated the most recent california governor, jerry brown, his dad, who had been governor before. >> this is a comment. i hope you like it. karley wants me to tell you that she likes year shirt. >> thank you currently. you and i do a lot of blue on blue. i >> yes but i think i surpassed you today. >> that's a higher quality shirt that i saw. >> it's wonderful that you mentioned this because this, this was actually brought to me by my relatives in india. so i'm wearing my indian internationalism in a really stylish way. right? now eddie what about your shirt? >> i mean it's been a while and no one has commented on my shirt. it's very summary. >> it's jungle-y, doesn't it remind you of the jungle? at first i thought it was camouflage. you joined the marines. camouflage on there. got a speed on style because it's important to me. >> he's doing the facial hair. can you not grow it? >> i strange looking guy in the mirror, the weirdo. but anyway, there is a real pleasure. i like

this essay from 1964 in the wake of barry goldwater and the idea of john birch society, he's writing about this, but he's also going back in history and writes about conspiracy in the 1850s. this is from a texas newspaper in the 1850s. it is notorious fact that the monarchs of europe and the pope of rome are, at this very moment, plotting our destruction and threatening the extinction of our political, civic and religious institutions. our executive head is tainted with the infectious venom of catholicism. so in the 1850s there was a worldwide conspiracy existence the united states, but it's from the pope, and it has already infected the president. there are many things you can probably say about franklin pierce p but i don't think that he was a pawn of the pope. right? also communists. this is joe mccarthy speaking in the 1950s which is how can we account for our present situation unless we believe that men high in this government are concerting to deliver us to disaster. this must be a product of a great conspiracy that would dwarf any such previous venture in the history of man. s

. >> there is a moment from '74 woodward and i talked about, is when barry goldwater of arizona went to nixon and other republicans on capitol hill and said in shorthand, it's over, president nixon. watergate has consumed the presidency and it is time for you perhaps to think about resigning, think about going. goldwater confronted nixon, the titan of conservatism at the time, who was the nominee in '64. now in 2021, you have someone like senator graham who we show in the book based on the reporting knew it was all fraud about the claims of election fraud. but he is also asking president trump to rehabilitate himself politically, come back, carry the republican party on your shoulders. there is such little political capital and sometimes even will among top republicans to speak out against president trump, to counter him in any way. >> bob woodward, i want to come back to something particularly haunting in the book. on page 416, there is this passage "had january 6th -- >> sounds like you really read it. >> i did read it. i have read all of your books. i have to say, i love this coll