but they tried to restrict black rights and black freedom and put black people to as close a state to slavery as possible. and some of these were, were egregious. the mississippi black code was probably the worst. they enacted vague rancy laws, saying if a black person is found not working for someone he can be arrested and fined. and to pay his fine, he could be leased to a plantation. so if a black person is forming his own self-employed. he's defined as a having a rava. they force black people into year-long contracts, to commander black labor the way they had under slavery. enticement laws, meaning if i have signed a contract with a black person for his labor, if another person comes to him and offers him more money to work for him, he can't do it. that's a criminal offense. that's enticing my laborer. now is that the free market? that's not how wage labor works, right? if you are a wage laborer, you would work for the guy who pays you the most, right? but that's depressing. apprenticeship laws, normally apprenticeship was seen at that time as a nice thing, you know, children will

socks, they each have a black glove and they raise the black power symbol. it's interesting because that was a very, very powerful iconic moment, but they were really kicked out of the olympic village, they were stripped of their medals, they were really vilified in the mainstream by the 1990s san jose state where they were both athletes have erected statues in their honor but for really over a quarter of a century they were denied employment, they were denied really the access and opportunities that they should have been afforded because they made this human rights protest. for them what they were in solidarity with was indigenous people all over the world who were being oppressed, including african-americans in the united states, but all people all over the world. the third world, people of color, but others who were being oppressed. and in a way when we think about smith and carlos, they anticipate what happened to colin kaepernick and where his protest against police brutality and against racial injustice became reinterpreted as an indictment and this an

worsen had a black to have a complete lack of jury, black prosecutor, black defendant, black judge. perhaps then they wouldn't feel like they are treated unfairly because they are treated by their peers. the second thing i wanted to talk about was -- i grew up around black people. in a city that had a black population. all my life i have been around black will. , it changed when the black population started instigating crime. it changed my attitude of black people. because never before was i even aware of their color, let alone their behavior. host: this was in olympia? caller: tacoma, washington. yeah. but, when their behavior changed, then maybe -- my attitude towards them changed because then you become afraid of them. you don't know if you should trust them are not. the people that i know intimately, you know, those are my friends. but the people that i don't know who are on the street or , you don't know if you can trust them. that is causing a lot of the rift tween the whites and the blacks, i think. and even with the police. host: when you go down the streets, people that you

other black women, right? this is at the time when black women beauty manufacturers who are supplying her products, all this stuff, there was no one the police chief could go to and say, fire her because she owned her own business. she was economically autonomous. so that positioned her and other beauticians well to be able to take risks, because they did not have fear of retribution. because women and men would lose their jobs all the time if their civil rights activity was found out. so that's definitely a big reason. what are some other reasons? >> one, you mentioned how he said he aims to mobilize beauticians because they're like missionaries, and everybody they come in contact with, they make voting as important to them as, like, god. so their proximity to customers and other people in their community really is like missionaries, to spread the word and to spread activism. >> yeah. it's really intimate for us who have been to a beauty shop and even have a certain relationship with a stylist, there is an in

black women. and it sustains women like moody who were on the front lines of the movement. she knew that in the beauty shop it would be a safe place. it would be a refuge for her. the place where she could not only have her hair washed but the way that she talks about the gentle pampering by the beautician and even the way that she refers to how the other women who were in the shop let her go ahead of them. it shows that also was a place where many ways she could have her soul restored. i think that is something that we need to think about a lot that's we are reading memoirs and seeing film and even when you're washing -- watching those old newsreels of people on the front lines of the civil rights movement. we think of them as nameless faceless people in a black and white photo without fully considering the psychological damage that these kinds of things are putting, not only on their bodies but on their minds and spirits. the beauty shop becomes a place of refuge for her. i use that as an introd

us as black people, women, black queer people. reason,isely that bernie sanders took on the democratic party, we are now in a space between people who are traditional supporters of the dnc, and people now part of the bernie broke camp. i'm going to go to atlanta tomorrow to participate at a dnc meeting to say exactly this. unless the party vendors to our well, we need to not give our loyalty to anyone. said about candidates running is the result of us feeling like our party is not doing anything for us. an organization was started to give indigenous people in alabama to turn out to vote because the dnc had not been there. another example of a black woman saving everybody else by sacrificing themselves in the process. the party needs to do a better job in responding to our needs. we continue to work on the party and make sure that we are vote ready. so many of us live in states where there are active voter suppression laws and attempts to deny our ability to show up at polls. we need to take proactive steps before it is time to reg

black citizenship. what would freedom mean for black people. they're no longer slaves, are they going to be given citizens? are they going to be receiving a grant. quite clearly we're getting a new sense of the nation's state. of the federal government. its powers. old ideas about principallism between the federal government and state government are going to be revisited, right. because these states come in, they secedeed from the union. what will the place now be? the federal government sees a symbol of the union. will the exthe pang of the tphalt government as the face of the kwraoupb -- will the extent of the national government as the face of the union. and federalism does involve a renegotiation virtually or the reimagining of what is state's rights. what is the power of the federal government. renegotiation of that relationship. why do you think states rights will be some what discredited now? any ideas? the idea of states rights. the state has certain rights. remember who are the people who have evoked states rights before? and for what

blacks welcomed it. dubois wrote essays on the friedman's bureau, showing how important it had been for african-americans to be able to appeal to the government, to protect their rights. so friedman's bureau really became identified with black rights in the south, because they helped implement fair wage contracts, et cetera, also while they were still there. now, what happens, of course, is that lincoln cooperates with the republicans to past the friedman's bureau bill in 1865. this is the first step towards reconstruction. so in terms of lincoln's plans for reconstruction, we'll never know. because he was killed. but he actually, you know, helped form this agency, works with republicans in congress to do this. the second thing that he works with congress on, does anyone know? does anyone remember that? is the first reconstruction amendment. does anyone remember what that amendment was? ryan? >> it was the 13th amendment, right, the one abolishing slavery? >> absolutely. so he works with congress to abol

for black folks. she wrote a book, it was published in 1926 and until we republished it in 1986, it had basically fallen out of memory. the importance of that and books like that is, books that we publish by parker, those books were done at a time when these people five very hard to establish a history for black folks when they were told they had no history. her contribution at the time which was one of the earliest contributions of any person writing on the history of black people it was very significant and have been lost. our job in mission is to make sure it is not forgotten. >> host: does it hold up historically? >> guest: nothing holds up historically. that is the beautiful thing about the work we do. there many things that said her might sites, many historical things he cited for historians to live by but they had probably just as many that don't hold up. history is a narrative people tell. so in houston's clays one of the things she deals with them points out now becomes less important for me.

because of the black coat. these -- black code. there known as black code. there updated versions of the slave could have the south. southerners who had been defeated and maybe under lincoln or someone who is more statesmanlike might have accepted the defeat and the demands put on them but johnson has been so lenient that they decide we have our man in the white house. civil war? forget about that. they pass these black codes. the black codes are pretty awful. they recognize the end of slavery, they say, slavery has ended. but, they try to restrict black rights and black freedom and put people back to us close to a state of slavery as possible. some of these egregious. the mississippi black codes were probably the worst. they enacted vagrancy laws. if a black person is found not working for someone he can be arrested and fined. he has to be released to a plantation. if a black person is forming his own or self-employed, he is defined as a vagrant. they forced people to enter into year-long contracts to work in plantations. to command black labor the way they

on black crime. >>. >> black people kill black people, asians don't asians. husband still wise, while still husband. virtually every committee due to one black to white so how is it all of a sudden the department of justice came out with a study that said black people and black people commit the same crimes and we get harsher sentences.at the same level we get harsher sentences so how they been successful, i said this earlier. the most dangerous place for us to live is in their imagination. they said the same things about black people under their control and slavery. we've been the same person. and the same circumstances, be. >> you pointed out in the book that maybe 80 percent of homicides committed against white folks are committed by white folks and so is white on white crime because basically it'sproximity is the biggest termination . >> absolutely. >> as you say there black on black crime somehow has become the bogeyman but you mentioned dumping that was interesting, you said the biggest indicator of crime is poverty. chapter 18, you have titled how to g

that story wasn't a story that would create a usable path for black people, for black empowerment. what i wanted to share with leaders is that the black experience of lynching changed over time how african-americans understood the lynching changed over time given the circumstances of the time. at one moment it's really important for the naacp to highlight black people as a victim. another time it's important for black people to be highlighted as resisting lynching, as fighting back against lynch mobs because of the intent that rhetorical impact that would have on the community. this is a much more comp gated story. to my eyes it had not been told in one place so i wonder to tell the story as best as i could in one place.

there is a black middle class and the country has elected its first black president. and then came this anguished reaction on the night of donald trump's election by the renowned political commentator van jones. >> this was a white lash. this was a white lash against a changing country. it was a white lash against a black president, in part. and that's the part where the pain comes. >> dramatic words, indeed. a year before he was killed, martin luther king junior worried that the vast majority of white americans are racist, either consciously or unconsciously. my two guests tonight are well placed to discuss all of this. william juwondo who workedn the obama white house on the initiative called my brother's keeper, designed to help young black men climb up the ladder of life. and he is now running for local office in his home state maryland. and also brie newsome. she removed the confederate flag from the grounds of the south carolina state house. she's a civil rights activist and she's with us from memphis where she's been attending the commemoration for dr. king. we

the slogan, "black is beautiful," so beautiful to be black. james brown said say it loud, i'm black and i'm proud. we were militant about our discovery and militant about the way in which, therefore the confrontation, we went about asserting our rights. so what did this have to do with dr. king? it meant america was on a powder keg, dr. king was at a horns of the a dilemma. he was on a great deal of -- he was on a tightrope trying to make sure that nonviolent, nonviolence was a way in which people went and did things. how to capture the attention of america, especially black people, when we were all listening to malcolm x now, three years after he was dead. listening to stokley carmichael rap brown, and phil hutchins who was from newark at the time. when we were listening to amir baraka how do you recapture the spotlight and put it on nonviolence as it had been, nonviolence movement as it had been at the period of time in which he was working? hence, the poor people campaign. in addition, he wanted to bring in the, the whole concept of, of he

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people, black men don't -- black women don't like black men and black men don't read. they were wrong but the fact they were saying it made it true because the wouldn't publish my book. then i wrote devil in a blue dress, and the publisher said this is great, black detective. then they said we don't want to just buy one book, we'll by two. so the decision was made by the publisher it would be a series. >> in you describe easy rawlins as a gun in one pocket and a short fuse in the other. >> guest: that's -- i think a lot of our heroes that are on battlefronts and i think race in america is one of the battle funs, has to be willing to explode into violence and to defend themselves, but how they make decisions on whether or not to do it, and also to try to control that temper, that's the point. in moby dick, the cook is throwing off the side and sharks in this feeding frenzy and the chef starts to lecture them and says, angels are just sharks that have learned to control their appetite. trying to the the sharks they don't have to be what they are. i think that's what you

do black lives matter? do black lives matter to us first? i would like to see us start focusing -- stop focusing so much on, yesterday to change laws, but i think we have forgotten how powerful we are and when we organize and when we love one another. [applause] i appreciate the thoughtful responses. it is a reminder that particularly around christianity, and this is a statement of fact, that a judgment. the same text we used to the ,uman eye says as black people to terrorist asunder -- tear us asunder, should not be used to tear us asunder. along the lines of what angelica was saying, there is powerful -- power when we unit as a community. while we are all scurrying in the corner hating each other, there is a lot of other stuff going on by those in power. it leads me to this question around how we think about movement building. we know anthony wall, at the just takenave --had a sister to prom and was put into a chokehold and physically assaulted by a police officer. you may not know this story because for some reason, it did not make the sa

for black cinema. noteworthy year for black cinema. more back panther, it's been a noteworthy yearfor black cinema. more modest of undertakings of black characters and black stories have also been doing well, as tristan daley reports. with months still left in 2018, this year has already seen the release of several films with black leads. year has already seen the release of severalfilms with black leads. a number of these films deal with real issues facing black people in america, but with creative flair. hey, mr kramer, this is limestone from real view, i didn't catch you at the wrong time, did i? there was sorry to bother you, a satire about a telemarketer. in blindspot in, colin, played by david dixon, tries to stay out of trouble on his last days of probation in his rapidly gentrifying hometown of oakland in california. even though this isn't a musicalfilm, characters in the movie wrapped. you stop me feeling like a monster in my own town. he co—wrote the film and he says although this project is

what about in chicago, what about black on black crime. it implies that everybody in the area is criminal, inherently criminal and are to be treated with a third degree of suspicion and that a certain degree of violence. some of, the argument is all policemen are not bad, true. but all people in those communities are not either. i would say most people, most police officers are good, and most people that live in those communities are. but they would never make that leap of logic. it's kind of a one-sided argument when you go these people give a bad rap, so do these people. do you think black people live the places they do because they want to? so i think that we are often times described a malicious motive to people and we have to deal with it because we have this idea -- they have this idea perpetuated by the media and the things they see and hear of who we are and often times they are dealing with the guy they think we are or who we are. >> host: growing up my grandmother used to say that you sometimes have to laugh at to keep from cryin

this was used to great effect this franchise black voters especially in the black counties as robert hume spotted after the civil war these laws saw to it that the white men would rule in blacks would be safely irrelevant. this was the mindset of the south especially the deep south. keep that black voter relevant and keeps the whites voted bull. these laws and other laws related to mainly the literacy test of a white primary are designed to keep the electorate small and keep it white. what happens is combined with intimidation and violence economic intimidation and physical violence blacks are kept away from the polls. there is a real scare that gets put into the public in 1946. here's what happens. the state of georgia had their white primary struck down in federal court and they have a special election for congress in a congressional district in atlanta. the black electorate really turns out for the special primary. the white primary is turned aside to black voters in what's called the historic three a. of atlanta show up to vote and they are able to put a liberal female lawyer in

us as black people, black women, black people. and precisely for that reason bernie took on the democratic party. we're now in the space with theirs a schism between people traditional supporters of the dnc of the dccc generally people that are not part of the camp. i'm going to leave her to go to atlanta tomorrow to participate in a dnc communities exactly this, unless and until the party bands to our will, we need to not give our ability to anyone. what earl said about candidates running is a result of feeling like our party as a nothing to and for us. doug jones one of them because of the workbook. an organization to give contagious people have been working for alabama to turn up t the vote to cut the dnc had not been there. another example of a black woman doing what you all the work of setting up an elephant sacrificing yourself in the process. the point is whe we need to hola party accountable and then you do a better job in responding to our needs. there are things we can do what we continue work on the party or make sure w

black people killing other black people. seeing them as less than human in the way of which of the celebration of a certain kind of ethic of courage. on one sense, better to do what on wax than in real life. but it's happening in your life too. so is it reinforcing it? i would never argue that it's causing it. i will say this, as the great - - says, everybody ain't guilty but everybody's responsible. all of us have a responsibilit . r kelly, i interviewed him one night, 2:00 on my marvin gaye book. an amazing genius but there's something deeply and profoundly wrong. not only with the fact that he was abused. and then he abused. but the culture of neglect of the very bodies of gay and lesbian young people. abuse young black people. of women. who have been abused. which is the #metoo movement insistence that the rage they feel in the face of neglect has to be privileged and made a priority as we grapple with the place of women's bodies in our political imagination. so yeah, we've got to wrestle with that stuff. and rappers can

what about black on black crime? black on black crime implies that everybody in that area is criminal inherently criminal and are to be treated with a certain degree of suspicion and met out with a certain degree of violence. you would no more say -- so the argument is all policemen aren't bad. true, but all people who live in those communities aren't either. i would say most police officers are good. and most people that live in those communities are too. but they would never make the leap in logic. they would never say, you know, it's kind of a one-sided argument when you go these people -- they get a bad rap. do you think the black people live the places they live because they want to? do you think they're living in the circumstances they live in because they want to? so i think that we are often times ascribed a malicious motive to people and they have this idea that's perpetuated by the media, that's perpetuated by the things they see and hear of who we are and they often times are dealing with the guy they thin

in black films.and more in this special hollywood and race edition of talking movies. leading african—american filmmaker spike lee is back this month with blackkkla nsman, a period film which relates very much to the present—day. this politically—provocative picture has been getting excellent reviews and it marks a real return to form for the director. i'm happy to be talking to a true white american. god bless white america. the central character in blackkklansman is a real—life figure, ron stallworth, a black police detective who infiltrated the white supremacist group the ku klux klan in colorado springs in the 19705. he did it by striking up a relationship with klan members by phone, then a white surrogate police officer, a colleague, stood in for him in face—to—face meetings. ron stallworth was modest about his accomplishments at the film's new york premiere. infiltrating the group, penetrating them was very easy because they didn't take time to recognise the signs that something was not right.

it's black on black crime. >> host: you mentioned -- try >> guest: black people to black people, white people to white people, asians kill asians, husband kill wives, white skull husband. every committee due to an trash -- -- two to one. the department of justice came out with the study that said the black people white people commit crimes about the same level. we get harsher sentences. how have they been successful, i said this order, the most dangerous place for us to live is in their imagination. they have said the same things about black people who were under the control and slavery. from jim code everything. we been the same people to them in the same circumstances. that can't be try what i think you point out in the book that 83% of homicides committed against white folks are committed by white folks, and so is white on white crime because basically proximity is the biggest determination of criminal conduct. as you illustrate black on blak crime simplicity, the bogeyman. you also mentioned something that's interesting which you said the biggest indicator of crime is poverty. now,

some have equated black power exclusively with the black panther party. that is in oakland, california. that is a limited view of an epic. in the revolts of. the black power movement was articulated in the cultural political and economic programs developed not only by the black panther program but also by the black arts movement, the los angeles republic of africa. african liberation support committee. that is the black power generation pick part of the rise at of racial bonding and the movement for self emancipation that the doctor called the most magnificent drama in the last millennium. to gather these -- together these galvanized millions of people in the broadest movement in african-american history. high school and college youth organized black student unions. professors created programs. athletes will be -- mobilized protest. militant unions. welfare mothers demanded power and dignity. soldiers resisted armory discipline and resisted uprising. politically conscious inmates saluted malcolm x and george jackson. after each rebellion new organizations

but the reality for black people, and you can look at the data, black people, black lgbtq people, as long as there have been like people there have been black queer people. it is ideations of religion that convince us otherwise. we always existed. we live with other black people. most black people live in the south, in the states where it is still legal to discriminate against us. we are so connected to the institutions that allow us to communities. they still show up, do their disproportionate share of providing secondary opportunities. that only two black people but to nonblack people to. we are groomed by traditional civil rights organizations. we simply do not have the luxury of saying hey, i am here, i am queer, i will go somewhere else. the world is not exist like that for us.

the slogan "black is beautiful." so beautiful to be black. james brown said, say it loud, i'm black and i'm proud. we were militant about the way we went about asserting our rights. what did this have to do with dr. king? it meant america was on a powder cake. -- on a powder keg. dr. king had a dilemma. tightrope trying to make sure that nonviolence was the way in which people went about things. how we captured the attention of america, especially black people, when we were all listening to malcolm x three years after he was dead. we were listening to stokely carmichael, phil hutchens, who is from newark at that time. when we were listening to a mary baraka.- to imiri how do you capture the spotlight and put it on nonviolence as it had been in that period of time in which he was working? campaign.poor people in addition, he wanted to bring in the whole concept -- he wanted to bring in economics. race, we understood race. we don't understand that much about economics, but here was a man who said we need to have a guaranteed minimum income for

. >> who's more racist, black people or white people? black people. you know why?ecause we hate black people too. >> comedy is anger, fear, insecurity and self-denigration. >> it's like the civil war going on with black people. and there's two sides. there's black people and there's niggers. and niggers have got to go. >> the jewish kid asks his father for $50. the father says, $40, what do you need $30 for? i can tell that joke because i'm jewish and even though i'm making a jewish stereotype, i'm denigrating myself. >> i didn't play violin. [ cheers and applause ] i didn't [ bleep ] woody allen. >> it's just about, oh, we want to hear the real truth. and that's what comedy is, is the real truth. >> we can look at society in such a way that we have to stand outside of it a little bit. we're racial referees. that's the super power. >> right before the u.s. went to war with iraq, they warned iraq. we are going to come to your country and kill you. oh, yeah. you kill me? oh [ bleep ] you! i kill me. >> asian men are the sexiest. they got no body hair from the neck do

bodies, this is a story that would create a usable path for black people for black empowerment of. what i wanted to share is that the black experience of lynching changed over time, how african americans understood the lynching changed over time given the circumstances. at one momenthat one moment it'y important for the naacp to highlight people as victims and at another time it's important for black people to be highlighted as existing lynching in fighting back against the mobs because it has the intended rhetorical impact it would perhaps have on the community. so, this much more complicated story of the black experience hadn't been told so i wanted to tell the story as best as i could and in one place. >>> my interest in the committee, my service in the agriculturaandagricultural commn my vendor's resistance to me. but finally their acceptance. and they did. i was known on the drafting committee only because i was a ranking member. i also made a contribution. also, they accepted me as equal and many accepted as a superior and allowed me to know that i can negotiate with the best

and his black side won at the last minute.t! "whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa." [carefree music] [brash hip-hop music] [patriotic music] [carefree music] [brash hip-hop music] - now kanye west is defending himself against, really, the indefensible. he said slavery was a choice. here's the sound. - you hear about slavery for 400 years. for 400 years? that sound like a choice. [chuckles] - [chuckles] [chuckles] [chuckles] just--just me? [chuckles] so kanye west popped up at tmz's offices and decided to freestyle some history lessons. thankfully, tmz staffer van lathan was there to call kanye out in person. - producer van lathan taking west to task about the slavery comment. - while you are making music and being an artist, the rest of us in society have to deal with these threats to our lives. frankly, i'm disappointed, i'm appalled, and, brother, i am unbelievably hurt by the fact that you have morphed into something, to me, that's not real. - wow. that was powerful. that was really, really powerful.

on black crime. if you are part of the african-american community, you would see it in community organizations, churches, grassroots organizations. that does not get seen by the mainstream of america because it does not get the media attention. second to that, we know with black on black crime that when in fact soone is caught, they are going to be prosecuted to the full extent of the law. the issue with police brutality is lack of accountability. the officers can engage in illegal acts, they can engage in killings of unarmed black man and suffer no sanctions. it is an accountability issue that raises the ire and concern. if there was accountability, then these issues would not raise the kind of protests and the ire that one speaks. i have to push back on this false stereotype, this false stereotype that every african-american doesn't have an education, every african-american is born of an unwed mother, and try to create a pejorative image of black america. that is not true. we have an incredible, th

that means black labor, and white ingenuity it and continued saying that black person must live side-by-side for centuries with the white person being elevated a few of whom will rise to the level of equality. so that's what we end up with in terms of the attitudes in the north. so how could we expect the reconstruction to be anything but a failure? not even as dubai said, a splen dead failure way. as failure. there are troop withdrawals. the second thing was how do we deal with the 14th and he 15th amendment? george aboutwell, rat cal, republic -- radical republican frommen in abolitionist massachusetts said we need to give blacks rights because then they won't come north. so there was the enormous fear in the white north there would be a migration of blacks north and even used the worded anden si. so the -- expediency so the rate was extraordinary. there was a containment policy of keeping blacks in south after the civil bar and man nested in numbers between 1865 and 1914, the black population of the white north -- of the north, stayed at 2%. now, how did this happen when 18 million white

cargoes is almost entirely pointed at being young black men being killed by other black men but there's a lot of women suffering from you know who don't go to police when they get raped who are dealing with domestic violence and those numbers are just sort of washed under that there's a whole system of play. let me start with you because we've got a couple minutes of just a minute let's how does that sort of underpinning of this taking women out of the equation and making it about this what effect does that have on black women as part of that community that rahm is saying you know you should just work harder well i mean since twenty eighteen began the city of chicago has already spent over twenty million dollars in misconduct cases settling and that right there is a brutal highlighting of how the city instead of actually holding itself accountable for the harm that it does from false arrests to illegal search and seizure how they fail to hold themselves accountable and how they consistently put in effort or coppa all of these different institutions that the mayor sponsors that is suppos