we have one point 2 million people displaced in chad because of the war against boko haram.here is a task force working together collaboratively to ensure that they win the war on terror. he also has to double down on that. that is a clear one. also, in the west african region, we have seen coups in recent times in mali, in burkina faso. nigeria has a role to play in the west african region, not just security in chad, but also other economic issues as well in the broader region. nigeria needs to be seen as not just providing political leadership in the west african region and getting with the transition to democracy, but he also means to place security in the areas where there are piracy issues. he has to continue to do that. >> i got about a minute left on the program, hamzat. you want to tell me what you think the foreign policy priority should be under the new president? hamzat: [indiscernible] i think that nigeria needs to take a position in [indiscernible] we used to be called the giant of africa. in short that -- ensure that the instability seen in mali gets addressed.

and i think that one of the examples you use is boko haram child brides in the end. so can you can talk about that and say exactly sort of what it means to be in this situation. you are constantly bargaining. you have to figure out how to live in in the society you're in. yeah, absolutely. and this has a very difficult thing to write about because the feminist discourse at the moment heavily focuses on choice and that, you know what, women's really means is a woman's right to choose. however she wants to live, which i am fully behind. but i think we also need to understand that patriarchal systems are not just about the oppression of, all of all women by men. that's not how this works. this is a very complex system in which very powerful men hold most of the authority but that authority and power is then distributed people depending on how much they align with the overall aims of that project of that system. and then to complicate further further, of course, we have other of oppression at work here, depending on status and caste and class and so many other things, we

, but presented by boko haram, but odso— presented by boko haram, but odso ny— presented by boko haramldn't come as a huge sunnnse— agenda, wouldn't come as a huge sunnnse oo— agenda, wouldn't come as a huge sunpndse do me— agenda, wouldn't come as a huge sunpndse do me. — agenda, wouldn't come as a huge surprise to me . so— agenda, wouldn't come as a huge surprise to me . " surprise to me. so in that situation, an organisation like prevent, i mean because the guy we're told has a history of violence. yes. would is that the kind of case that prevent would look at and monitor? i would hope so, yes. because- look at and monitor? i would hope so, yes. because i- pr: 2" r:::r7 i would hope so, yes. because i mean, wnen— hope so, yes. because i mean, wnen we— hope so, yes. because i mean, wnen we rook— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we look at— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we look at the profile of the when we look at the profile of one you— when we look at the profile of the vast majority— when we look at the profile of the vast majority of terrorists wno— the vast majority of te

, but presented by boko haram, but ttso— presented by boko haram, but ttso ty— presented by boko haramgenda, wouldn't come as a huge suprtse to me . — agenda, wouldn't come as a huge surprise to me . so— agenda, wouldn't come as a huge surprise to me . b agenda, wouldn't come as a huge surprise to me . " surprise to me. so in that situation, an organisation like prevent, i mean because the guy we're told has a history of violence. yes. would is that the kind of case that prevent would look at and monitor? i would hope so, yes. because- look at and monitor? i would hope so, yes. because i- rit“t: h�*tifit�* tit7 i would hope so, yes. because i mean, uten— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we toot— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we look at— hope so, yes. because i mean, when we look at the profile of the vast— when we look at the profile of the vast majority— when we look at the profile of the vast majority of terrorists uto— the vast majority of terrorists who move— the vast majority of terrorists who have been— the vast majority of terrorists

the radar, the authorities there, so we believe, also brought in mercenaries to try and push out boko haramwhat was your understanding of what was going on there? john: just to go back to one thing that mr. mcfate said which was interesting is that it is a model, the kind of exchange of security provision for concession rights to natural resources. but even that is also not a model that is unique to wagner. often for african governments, there is a correlation but not necessarily a causation that in places where there are natural resources, there are conflicts, and governments of those countries tend to be cash-strapped, they don't have a lot of cash on hand. so for them, the easier thing to do as well to take advantage is to give away concessions that they do not necessarily control and they don't have to give away any cash out of pocket. and so, these deals also do work to the interest of the african governments who are looking for security provision. as to nigeria, i think one of the things that we forget about wagner is that it's just very standard for a pmc to be operating in africa. t

weak central governments across the sub-saharan are allowing terrorist groups like al-shabaab and boko haramo expand operational training grounds to export their death and destruction to western democracies, where their main goal of attacking the united states. offshoots of al-qaeda and i.s.i.s. are looking to the congo, burkina faso, libya, central african republic and other economically depressed nations to gain a foothold. recruitment of young men to terrorism is made easier by the sense of disillusionment with their own governments, fueled by abandonment by the united states in the region. what keeps me up at night is the critical mistake the u.s. could make by further reducing intelligence capabilities in africa. instead of reducing, we must really ramp up, not cut back. federal resources and man power we have in the cia nsa and other intelligence partners to get a better understanding of how badly we are falling behind is important. a robust human intelligence program on the continent would give a greater insight into how these terrorist groups are developing their operational capabili