your generation of latinos are less burdened than, you know, kind of, if you will, the angry chicano rights movementof the 1960s and 1970s. and yet, you look at our country in the year 2011 in terms of latinos, and i was thinking, "well, really? are we less burdened? i mean, you have a state that right now is... many latinos feel is outwardly anti-latino-- arizona. you have a sentiment... you know, many analysts are looking at this and saying, "there is an anti-latino sentiment in our country." so in fact, less burden? don't you feel like there is a new generation of young latinos who are saying, "you know what? this is our country and we are... are angry that we're not heard politically"? >> i think that... that particularly the actions in arizona and the mood, generally, of the last 18 months, two years, you know, has sort of raised the specter of anti-latino sentiment in the united states, but i wouldn't say that it's to the same level as the generations before. you know, for instance, just at a basic level, you know, in the year 2010, it's possible to be a doctor, an engineer, a lawyer, and it w

this is our own chicano freedom school, reflecting the interaction between the black civil rights movement and the chicano movement. there is another police photo of the interior. photos, like i said, participants in the movement that were arrested. he had several. fines --at face of the there. defiance right i like this one too. [laughter] i use the photos of the women to show about the emergence to leadership positions. the photos folks, visuals are so important. insight or lesson that i have learned here, when you are looking for relevant archives, go to the opposition. do not forget the opposition. they can provide the foil, the basis for tension in your narrative. the policing agencies, they are the bureaucracy. they write reports and have secretaries and so forth. they did a much better job of documenting the movement. they are policing us. if you want to read an interesting history of the b erets, read the fbi report. they alerted all their offices along the trail, let us know what is going on. and they did. definitely look at oppositional archives, they are very important. then i c

photo on the right shows the states most recognizable militant leader in the black civil rights movement, greeting chicano farmers. he had just led a group of african-american youth on a march through east texas and was tying it to media mexican-american farmers when they arrived on labor day. on the left, another photograph. they all came together to demand this minimum wage increase as well as civil rights and labor rights. the third of this coalition i think helps us to rethink important questions around relationships. scholarships, ash fall into one of these two camp's. emphasizing cooperation. african-americans and mexican-americans were neither natural allies nor inveterate enemies. they were simply different. they had different leaders, they lived in different neighborhoods, practice different religions. sometimes spoke different religious, different cultural practices. all sorts of different lines of difference. they were so disparate, that just getting them together for a meeting represented a monumental task. where you hold such a meeting? these activists wanted to get together and they understo

right. so understanding the -- i start with the fall of the alamo and come up to 1986. and i ended with the notices on the challenges to jim crow structure, both by two chicano movement organizations. here's a map. i didn't reproduce it. this is just an illustration. this is a map that comes up later, and when of the later chapters. what those trying ozark are voting rights lawsuits filed by voters in 1984 -- in 19741975. this is happening. these are lawsuits being launched by chicano movement organizations. can you imagine a regional map with all the triangles representing the lawsuits that we filed during that time? it would be very precedent. i was listening to 10 crews talking about how we have to bomb isis. if we did that, it would be our own carpet bombing. but there is something else and that map -- in this map. each triangle represents a community history. there is a narrative under each triangle, folks, a narrative that has not yet been captured. the reason i can say that is because, if you understand the organizing strategy, they didn't just show up. they went into communities, gathered the leaders of the local community, the meter -- the leaders of the clergy, small bus

civil rights movement among mexican americans in the united states and established a legacy of civil rights and social justice. i wanted to push the envelope further and move to studying the chicano movement. this was my historical generation and i'm a product as well of the movement. we became chicanos because of the movement. one thing about becoming chicano, in my case, a lot of my schoolmates, their first names had been transformed because the teachers had transformed them. francisco became frankie and maria became mary. the teachers, the good sisters could not change my mario name. i always felt this advantage because my school friends had new first names. we rediscovered our baptismal names. i was just mario. i was already ahead of the game. [laughter] prof. garcia: as many of you know about my movement first started with castro. it was beautiful to be chicano that day. his kids walked out of the schools in the largest high school strike in american history. i wish he was here with us today. i know he will live in our memories for the rest of our lives. in my new book "the chicano generation ago this book is unique in that it includes three stories, giving it a radio contex

achievement of civil rights and some semblance of democracy in the state and nation, however in complete the process of been. i want to close my highlighting how the book highlights the chicano movement. i'm talking more about the previous group, the mexican-american generation, rather than strictly the chicao youth movement. but history invites us to think about how the line between these groups are fuzzy or than we commonly assumed. it is not strictly generational, but rather class, ideologies, strategy, gender, and other differences continually divided them. they split apart because of all these reasons. the more militant activists use their independent to then forged new ties across the color lines. ways, their politics parallel those of the chicano radicals. they were unafraid to take to the streets to demonstrate, they were eager to organize eyes -- organize the barrios. the disputes repair over how to approach those questions represented the central debates among the so-called mexican-american generation. age alone did not prefigure these older activists politics. they were more militant and less that isan the character commonly described to activists of their era. original fo