end in creating some of the problems you say continue to exist. >> right, well, in 1965, daniel patrick moynihans this report on the black family. daniel patrick moynihan is very, very sympathetic to the black family, sympathetic to black people in general, to the problem of race in this country. he was arguing-- you know, effectively he used the family as the lens to look at the community assembled all these social economic indicators to show where black fam leerpz as compared to the rest, and hoped what would follow was benevolent investment. the argument they make in the pieces that in fact followed was malevolent investment. a the lot of problems that daniel patrick moynihan was dealing with in that report we basically outsourced to our prison system instead of our normal social service system. and the piece is ball why we did that. and regrettably, some of that-- some of the reason we did that can be keen seine within the history of daniel moynihan himself. >> ifill: you make the connection between the tangle of pathology, that he famously wrote about, and the tangle of perils that african

indeed, the late senator daniel patrick moynihan wrote his present call for attention to black out of wedlock child rearing in is the 65 just as that eraese deincarceration and decriminalization movement was gaining speed. it is crime, not incarceration, that sequel ofs freedom and enterprise in urban areas. and there have been no more successful government programs for liberating inner city residents from fear and disorder than proactive policing and the incapacitation of criminals. compared to the costs of crime, prison is a bargain. the federal system spends about $6 billion on incarceration. the state spent $37 billion in 2010 on institutional corrections. the economic, social, and so logical costs of uncontrolled crime and drug trafficking dwarf such outlays. to be sure, the federal drug penalties are not sacrosanct. our current penalty structure was arguably arrived at empirecally through trial and error. sentences were and 1970s. those rising crime rates were themselves the product of an earlier era of deincarceration and decriminalization. sentences lengthened until they took

let me start by saying several years ago senator daniel patrick moynihan's wife elizabeth sent me a woodenkes it up and put together to put together the old schoolhouse on the roof armory wrote his book. we've been talking about the kinship i felt with senator moynihan for his thoughtful approach to governance, his willingness to put our country ahead of party and the search for solutions rather than political expediency. she sent me this from the old farmhouse and had a note on it saying, to square pegs into round holes. some people say i'm a republican who became a democrat, but often sound like a republican and a room full of democrats, our democrat and a roomful of republicans. and actually i take that as a compliment. more people in this country call themselves political independents than either republicans or democrat. and i happen to agree with them. our country is more important than the label. democrats in years past understood this, people like sam nunn, scoop jackson, mike mansfield, john kennedy among others. americans are disgusted by all this talk of republicans and democrats

indeed, the late senator daniel patrick moynihan wrote his prescient call for attention to black out of wedlock child rearing in 1965, just as that era's deincarceration and decriminali gaining speed. it is crime, not incarceration, that squelches freedom and enterprise in urban areas. and there have been no more successful government programs for liberating inner city residents from fear and disorder than proactive policing and the incapacitation of criminals. compared to the costs of crime, prison is a bargain. the federal system spends about $6 billion on incarceration. the states spent 37 billion in 2010 on institutional corrections. the economic, social, and psychological costs of uncontrolled crime and drug trafficking dwarf such outlays. to be insure, the federal drug penalties are not sacrosanct. but though all sentencing schemes are ultimately arbitrary, our current penalty structure was arguably arrived at empirically, through trial and error. sentences were increased incrementally in response to the rising crime rates of the 1960s and 1970s. those rising crime rates were t

but look, you know, daniel patrick moynihan said culture is more important than politics.frankly the inexorable result of the culture changing and our politics finally catching up with it, you know. the culture no longer values things like experience that it once did or humility. instead we have the celebrity of politics. entertainment value injected into politics. we used to have institutions. you would work at one job for 40 years and they'd give you a gold watch. we no longer have that. people are not loyal anymore. i think that applies to parties, folks. you have donald trump attacking the last republican president. that tells you something is different. >> well, it actually tells you that what we've got is a candidate who is not afraid to say what he thinks, and he actually -- i don't know, lupica, like it or not, there is kind of something that could work here. the criticism for george w. bush's administration and his policies and his decisions, the criticism or obama and the individuality. i don't know. i -- >> i was speaking to him yesterday, mr. trump, and i -- i