after the 60s beginning with goldwater and an expanded 72 reelection. in some ways this situation is reversed the southerners play a key role in the conservative capture of the republican party itself and then republican national a. in a certain ways to a combination of southern segregationist politics and conservative is of it is blended over time by various political actors in a way it allowed the national language of racial resentment and opposition to federal-state power generally. >> host: two questions arise from that answer, how did they planned and when did this begin? >> it begins decisively in the 1940's and '30's in congress there was a conservative coalition that comes together after 1936 to resist some of fdr imperatives but really it is after world war ii win during the truman and many kate -- administration when he pushes for federal employment taxes commission and a desegregation of the military that you have southern political elites suddenly declare independence from the national democratic party. of course, than dixiecrat have the sta

in your goldwater book, it seems to me that there was a lot of -- a lot in common between the goldwater campaign and the mccain nomination. what does that mean? i hear from people that we cannot just replicate the structure and institutions of of the right. the right. we have to make new infrastructure that is adapted to the needs of today. what does that mean? people keep saying it, in my experience. >> the goldwater campaign in 64 and john mccain's campaign in 2008 were conducted by a very badly divided dysfunctional party. >> that is a good question about why can't the old tactics work? there were some organizational decisions that they made, some ideas about how they chose to"" one thing, i'm still trying to figure out how we do this. i think inside, we all want to have a relationship with other than our wives and mothers and real community. i think when we are able to do that, we can have the kind of conversations but really help. -- that really help. >> hi, my name is -- i am from the democracy collaborative and the university of missouri, kansas city. for those of you know this o

lot of -- there is a lot in common between the goldwater campaign and the mccain campaign, both oppose nomination, and do you think that is true, and what does that mean? also, i constantly hear from people that you just cannot replicate the structure, the institutions of the right but that instead, we have to make new infrastructures that are adapted to the needs of today. what does that mean? what is an example? people keep saying it, but there is never anything behind it, and least in my experience. >> both the goldwater general election campaign in 1964 and the john mccain campaign of 2008 were conducted by -- by a very bad dysfunctional party, so i think there are a lot of similarities there. >> and i think he posed a question about why cannot the old tactics were, and we have talked about exactly what we can learn from the conservative movement and the things they did. there were some organizational decisions they made, some ideas about how they chose to behavior, that we're very, very affective for them, which could be effective for us. there are areas where the things that they

as you look at the three of us here, it is a joint goldwater nichols kind of panel, army, navy, air force. also general fraser has been nominated, stanley mcchrystal, legislative quality built into special operations all came out of goldwater nichols. we are proud to be here. i thank you for taking the time to hear a spirit i am here with my family, my wife, my childhood sweetheart. we have two daughters ourselves. i am lucky to have my family here with me. i am obviously very honored and humbled by the president's nomination and the secretaries nomination for this position. i have a fair background in europe, i have travelled extensively over the years, i have operated with nato. i have studied nato as part of my navy work that the navy sent me two years ago. i believe in the trans-atlantic alliance. if confirmed, i hope to be a positive force as senator mccain was just talking about, in convincing our allies we need to stanch -- they need to stand shoulder to shoulder with us. my approach will be collegial, oriented towards international solutions, multilateral approaches. these are cha

and while goldwater was defeated by lyndon johnson, many americans watching that day immediately sensed would one day become president. the title of reagan's speech was a time for choosing. in it reagan crystallized the voices for voters. when people vote for self government or would they submit themselves to be ruled by elites in a far distant capital? reagan's poke at domestic social engineers was accompanied by a vigorous defense of america's greatness abroad. he reminded americans they did have a rendezvous with destiny. as california governor ronald reagan proved over and over that he had the mind of a committed conservative and the temperament of an extraordinary leader. as president reagan displayed his skill in communicating a vision of american exceptionism. it wasn't just vision that moved people his way, it was also his tone. he was always quick with a smile or joke. he once said i left orders to be awakened in case of a national emergency, even if i am in a cabinet meeting. he clearly had the pulse and the respect of the average american. ronald reagan developed an alliance

. >> they need to go through what the republican party went through after goldwater and what the democratic party went through in the 80s, they needed period of reform and renewal. >> who is the leader of the republican party? [laughter] >> there isn't one. i was meeting with john bain, he was very open. a poll came out, people identify the first one, none of the above is well over 50%. that is the same as democrats in 2001. bonds of leaders are the people who are getting the most air time. newt gingrich and dick cheney and rush limbaugh. and what somebody like john boehner will say they are not on the ballot, they are filling a vacuum. we had a presidential candidate last night who was clearly the last stage of his national career, however long he remains in the senate. the leaders in the house and senate are fairly skilled players, but they're never going to be national spokesman. you have to look around outside washington to see who is going to grab the mantle. there is no obvious candidate. governor bobby jindal tried to respond to the president, and sarah palin -- [laughter] >> she had

party is in about the same state as in 1964 after lyndon johnson won a landslide victory over barry goldwater. people said we will never see the republican party again. four years later the people elected richard nixon. you will see these various points of view about what a republican is in for the party is going. eventually republicans will select their leader. if they will be successful as a party bringing in support you will see them coalesced around the leader. but at this time, and it is too soon now, obviously, there is no identifiable leader of the party. as for the round table's, i do not have much to do with george stephanopoulos. and who he decides to put on his program on sundays. he has the same relationship with me. he has a program, i have a program. we have conservatives on our roundtable. david brooks of "the new york times" is a frequent visitor to the show. he is one of the best columnists today. i simply do not agree with you. i would have to say, there is so much out there right now that you can get it anyway you want to. to be truly informed person has to depend on more t

frederick called the constitution of liberty and interestingly, i was involved in politics and i read goldwater's book and others at the time, but i went to high school in wisconsin and the school library had ordered the constitutional liberty thinking that it was a book about constitutional interpretation discovering that it was upon its arrival it was by hayek and abbas and consistent with pc to wisdom of the day decided to essentially ban it and not put it on the shelves and the library in new i like to read and was interested in politics and gave me the book and it was probably the most influential book i had read up to that point and maybe even beyond that and i have still got the book. >> for schedule information and descriptions, long gone to booktv.org. you can click on the viewer input tab and e-mail, tell when you were reading and when you think of our programs. >>> book tv bus is traveling the country visiting bookstores, libraries, festivals and authors. here are some of the people and places we have visited. >> corydon nichols was the 19th century journalist and social reformer who w

work as well as it does and thanks to his efforts and the efforts of a lot of other people and to goldwater-nichols law. he was then commander -- he's had two -- i still call them syncs jobs, two commanders and as all know 'cause you wouldn't be here otherwise, he's the commander of the pacific command. it's a real pleasure to have the opportunity to hear his insights into the military and indeed the larger american strategic role in that critical part of the world. admiral keating, welcome to the atlantic council and thank you for doing this. [applause] >> thank you all for this great opportunity. a couple of words by preamble. i had the distinction of working for then-undersecretary defense walt slocombe for a while as he mentioned. and few officials in my experience have had more consequential impact on what the department of defense does, did, and is doing than walt slocombe. he was usdp for a long time in my humble opinion did a magnificent job and it's my honor, privilege to be standing in front of you having been introduced by -- i mean, who would have thunk back then we would be standing he

in college i was one of those people who said of barry goldwater gets elected and i am moving to australia, but all people in college are stupid by and large. [applause] and even in "bias" which came out in 2001, the book to which you referred, i describe myself as an old-fashioned liberal along the lines of john kennedy and then i specifically said, not along the lines of michael moore or al franken. i don't know over time if i moved to the right or if liberals moved further and further to the left and then abandon me. [laughter] and i tend to think that is set. i consider myself a conservative now on two of the three basic issues that define conservatism. i am as conservative as rush limbaugh is on smaller government and lower taxes, ims conservative as any conservative on anti-terrorism and national defence, on social issues i am libertarian. i don't care. i just don't care what people do. [applause] i understand that everybody agrees with that, but what distinguishes me for my old liberal friends is i don't think people are big debts if they believe certain things like they are against

those opportunities also to build those relationships and really just sort of continue on with the goldwater-nichols principle and now apply it across agency lines as well as the dod. we look forward to doing that. with that i will yield to mr. miller. >> thanks, mr. chairman. i've had an opportunity to visit with some of our nato allies, and they are, indeed, proud of the contributions that they are making certainly within the soft community and, you know, certainly in afghanistan. and what i'd like to ask you for the record, if you would, explain the impact of the soft capabilities of those partners in the current fight as it exists in afghanistan, and you could an update as well on iraq as we transition out. >> yes, sir. from your visits to the nato soft coordination center, you understand how this team is coming together, and there's bonding that's occurring across the special operations forces of nato at the headquarters environment. i think it's inspired. its certainly stimulated the activities of some special operations forces being provided to, to the isaf effort in afghanistan. so i'm not t

house of representatives, i recall in 1964 when we had a huge landslide lyndon johnson with barry goldwater and the press accounts were writing about the death of the republican party and we have seen similar things after nixon and watergate and since then, too. i don't think it is dead by any means. what i saw happening in '65 when i came to the hills this summer was a group of republicans having defeated the minority leader in the house and building a task force to grapple with a problem how to rebuild and what do we do and how do we cast a positive alternative rather than pos lyndon johnson in the sidey program so i think eventually you will see emerging new faces, leaders, ideas but it's an ongoing to happen overnight but the process is under way. you just don't see all that much of it yet. >> i was thinking about this when i was reading about this arne duncan decision a couple of days ago and thinking now there's a vacuum the republican party should be occupied and right now. you look at -- it's not a question of people. it's a question of ideas and where are the ideas to counter the d

i commend chairman skeleton who has spent a lifetime supporting defense reforms going back to goldwater nichols and championing these reforms to further integrate our national security tools moving into the 21st century. i thank ranking member mckeon for his work on this issue in my four years on the committee. the chair: the gentleman from missouri. mr. skelton: i yield a minute to my friend, the gentleman from minnesota, mr. walz. the chair: the gentleman is recognized. mr. wals: thank you, i want to thank the -- mr. walz: thank you, i want to thank the chairman. it's a simple amendment i'm offering that the secretary of defense in coordination with the secretary of veterans affairs submit a report to congress telling us what kind of progress they've made on a joint medical record, making sure they don't encounter bureaucratic troubles and delays in processing of their claims. there's a -- as a 24-year veteran of our armed forces, i can tell you this is a critically important issue. it was backed and announced on april 9 by the president and this will allow congress do to -- to do ove

the goldwater training range was shut down because of illegal immigrants trespassing on the land. some of those areas are controlled by drug cartels, some are stouget violence. one problem we have we face is the border patrol has to pay money to the interior department to have access to lands. the border patrol was threatened with lawsuits and arrested for attempting to enter a wilderness area and try to pick up a wounded victim. all those issues should be addressed in this particular area. this device which i have right here is one of the listening devices that the border patrol needs to communicate past each other. it is placed in jeopardy simply because the department of interior now wants it to have limitations. a threat of a lawsuit by an environmental group indicated that the memorandum of understanding has to be used to put restrictions on this even the it's important and environmental assessment says this has no impact, it's temporary, mobile, doesn't leave a footprint. if any of these areas were created as wilderness, this would have to be by the memo of understanding mov