he did something no one has done in politics since barry goldwater ran in 1964.he broke with his party endorsed the other party's candidate. not only that, he appeared at the convention. scoop jackson never did that. pat moynihan and never did that. he not only did it, he was seeking the vice presidential nomination of the republican party. he may himself a man without a party and he could not win a primary. >> i am not -- i understand your point that this was a self- serving decision on his part i think it was a matter of sticking up for his friend. >> but it is interesting when you talk about how bipartisan of the thing is that you attack a guy -- >> i'm not saying -- >> so what? he was an american. >> did not deny his american citizenship? wonderful american, admirable american, lovable american, but he ceased to be a democrat for out. >> and that to you is damning. we're talking about a matter of principle and that is different. >> when they endorsed barry goldwater and civil rights -- >> you argue principle, i am arguing time. we're running out of it ronald

and to say, well, goldwater maybe still pushing from the right. but we won the election and we are not going to go there. even larger sense. >> host: we all want to have our presidents with a sense of history and the perspective that it brings. is it also possible for them to become prisoners of history? clearly lyndon johnson's generation was branded by munich. munich analogy kept services. and he also was haunted by the fact that the right wing has exploited china's going communist in 1949. you know, he recognized that in the signing the save rights bill, he was probably signing away the south. you just wonder whether all of this came together to influence in any way -- >> guest: well, of course. i disagree with my fellow historians who tend to believe in movements and patterns that can't be changed. >> host: right. >> guest: i think a good example of rejecting this notion that you are imprisoned within the history of munich of appeasing a dictator or a threat is the way that president eisenhower, the third great caesar in my view, the way that

in the 1960 topos the goldwater voters -- in the 1960's with the goldwater voters in the most recent years the tea party. how do you keep the republican party open to the next waves of who can be added to the party strength and what groups to use seat critically available that we ought to be pursuing? maria cino. >> i will try to the sec that multifaceted question. first of all again, my experience has been building strong coalitions, and i would first and foremost welcome open door and talk with all of the various groups and communicating with and working with them. i think the second thing is to make sure that our state parties are aware of the various coalitions and various groups and working with these folks as we look down the road in building from the bottom up our party to elect republicans in 2012. >> i have spent my entire political life in the trenches in this town where i grew up as an elected official and it has always been about the grass roots, the bottom-up, reaching up in getting out of the comfort zone as republicans. we do get a little comfortable with ourselves and

the goldwater on the intellectual side, his only national review, and that was underrated at the time. my father after a couple of years, we are still liberals, and cold war and anti-communism liberalism. my father was the first of that group to say fine if you want to call me a neoconservative, fine. he has an essay in 1936, and a couple of other essays that go into how he, in fact, had already kind of concluded privately that he wasn't really a liberal anymore. a lot of what neoconservatives do, limited government and the like. but the liberalism had go so off of the rails my father thought by the early '70s that one might as well forget about the germans. and i think to be -- he says this. he became more and more conservative really. since he just thought the conservative truths were more important. he had always been open, more open than 95% of new york intellectual types. i think he became more convinced that the importance to certain conservatives, even the neoconservative version, even in the '70s, '80s, and '90s. the interesting things would be the reflections on american cons

of somebody on the right, but then they lost so big with goldwater they said, okay, we've got to gock to the middle. and that kind of mentality is, is pretty strong among the democrats right now. whenever they get beaten, they go to the middle. whenever republicans get beaten, they go to the right. what that means is everybody's going right. and, you know, until, until what the republicans have been doing starts being challenged more, i see us continuing that trend. >> hi. the modern occurrence of this persecution politics that you see in the united states, do you think it's unique to the united states? or is it, you know, more a global phenomenon? but if it's only in america, why do you think that is? >> so it depends if you, if you're talking broadly -- it's a great question. the question was is this, is persecution politics a global phenomenon, or is it a national phenomenon? particularly an american phenomenon. and the answer is that, that broadly speaking it's global, it's human. it's human nature in a way. the, take, for example, this is a fairly extreme case, but in the forme

are expelled from serious intellectual or political life and of course this is a few years after goldwateron the political side and intellectual side of national review and underrated at this time. so, my father after a couple of years a lot of people said no we are still kind of liberal and we hope for a kind of hardheaded centrist cold war anti-communist liberalism. my father think was the first may be of that group who would just say you know what, fine if you want to come a conservative, fine. he is an essay in the book they think in 1976 on neoconservatism and the autobiographical essay and a couple of other essays the kind of going to how he in fact have a ready kind of concluded privately that he wasn't really a liberal any more. of course a lot of neoconservatives defend liberalism in the broadest sense liberal constitutional but the liberalism had gone so of the rails my father thought by the early 70s that one might as well forget about the term and they think as he said come he became more and more conservative really. he just thought the conservative truths were, had more impor

it was rockefeller against goldwater. there was a draft lodge movement in new hampshire.hampshire largely because of this dissatisfaction with goldwater and rockefeller. will that happen this time? no. >> but lodge is dead. >> henry cabbot lodge has a better chance of winning the republican nomination than huntsman does. he is in the obama administration. that's not going to fly. >> given the dissatisfaction with the field there's an opening that might not have existed otherwise. >> it's not just dissatisfaction, but a messier process than what the republican party is used to. one of the biggest differences of 2012 over 2008 is going to be the voice that ordinary voters have through facebook and twitter. it has revolutionized people's access to a megaphone. it has given them a very strong possibility to say actually we're not satisfied with any of the people that the establishment in washington has presented to us and that we can mobilize and say who we want. we can say with this extraordinary medium we have. that's going to change the way that the nomination process happ

just out, you are expelled from serious intellectual and political life which is a few years after goldwater on the political side and the intellectual site as the "national review," and that was under a to that time to say the least. so, my father come after a couple of all of years a lot of people said well know, we're still kind of liberals and help for hard headed centrist called war anti-communist liberals. my father i think was the first meeting of that group to sort of just say you know what, fine. if you to call me neoconservative -- and there's some very -- euskadi essay in the book from 76 on neoconservatism, and the autobiographical essay and a couple of the essays that go into how he in fact have already kind of concluded privately that he wasn't really a liberal anymore. the west course a lot of what neoconservatives tuesday and liberalism in the broad sense and a constitutional democracy, the limited government and the like. but the liberalism had gone off the rails my father thought by the early 70's that one might as well forget, and i think to be -- he says he became more an

platform for the company and russia becomes very interesting because russia's goodland russia's goldwater and russia can be a great source of fruit for us so one of our goals is to develop russian language culture to be the hub for fruit storm foods in particular the rest of the world. time now to take a brief look at some other headlines from around the world please tell killed and another twenty three injured in a head on collision between freight and passenger trains in eastern germany the foundries crash in fact was heard miles away as the two trains crossed a stretch of track for overnight repair police said most of the dead were killed instantly before both sets of wagons and locomotion. firemen and rescue workers at the scene that warn the death toll may rise. provisional results in a referendum in southern sudan's independence show ninety nine percent of voters a favor splitting from the north however some reports claim voter turnout exceeded one hundred percent in some areas despite the abnormal to sit down referendum commission defeated defended rather the outcome as a lot of sl

a platform for the company should be going to be interesting because russia's goodland russia's goldwater and russia can be a great source of fruits for us so one of our goals is to develop russian culture to be the hub for certain fruits storm fruits in particular for the rest of the world but i was in pepsico and the man on the sidelines the devil's president made that if you spearheaded the russian delegation spoke to bloomberg television and you can watch the full interview in just over an hour's time here. because it's going to check some other international headlines this hour and a train has collided head on with the goods train in eastern germany killing at least ten and injuring dozens the accident happened late on saturday evening on a section of the track scheduled for overnight engineering more than one hundred fifty five men police and rescue workers were dispatched to the scene and they say the rescue operation is ongoing and warned the death toll may rise because of the crash is not yet a name. provisional results in a referendum on southern sudan's independence show almost

that might admit early-retirement of bob taft or barry goldwater or newt gingrich before he became famous. those are important conservative is. >> congressman frankie. >> barney frank, yes indeed. are you supportive of term limits? >> the compromises, human nature is human nature. we move from the system of citizen legislators into career legislators. what we have been able to see and have put together in reading and following the news carefully, the temptation to protect your right to get reelected, the ability to get reelected overwhelms you, willingness to always vote the way your conscience tells you you what to vote. when i was elected, i was elected candidate of the conservative party. i joined the republican caucus. shortly after we were sworn in, john tower, in charge of recruiting -- had a meeting for new members and he opened by saying your first obligation from now on is to ensure your reelection. when you are an office filled bell will ring and you are supposed to raise to the senate floor to vote on something you never heard of. there's no way to keep track of anything any mo

society's and those of 1930's and to tell everyone that franklin roosevelt was a communist and also goldwater republican but i think all those things combined then the active ingredient the idea this person was not really american with the racial background and the upbringing. >> i want to say one more thing about white voters. especially the blue-collar far the biggest swing voters to have in the country especially in the midwest. having problems utter deeper than any politician can solve but we continually fire the politicians who cannot solve them. they lost four seats in illinois, four seats in ohio, five seats pennsylvania part of this is a very followed-- volatile swing electorate they will go against whoever is an office and it happened to be obama's this time. >> taka battle, losing the independence, that is a loaded statement because there are a lot of people who are independent. technically i am independent and promptly went back to being independent. 98% of the time independence vote for democrats but but i think it is taking black people for granted i never want to be on a roll to

. >> my grandfather when he put the goldwater as an time, my grandmother made him the other. but it is a tradition. >> condi, one of the most moving part of the book that really came through so loud and clear with you felt the fear. i mean, you weren't watching it on television. and so, it was the first terrorism. african-americans experienced terrorism before we even knew what national terrorism was about. and the state-sponsored terrorism of the white supremacists claim. and so you had direct contact with that. and i think about the kids who now lives in fear of a different kind of terrorism. it's not from a clan. it's from gangs. i wanted you to kind of hearken back to that entire day today. >> terrace has something in common whether it's a clan or the way they gangs terrorized a community or the terrorism that we see that we experienced on september 11th and continue to fight. they were not just to fight. they want to terrorize to the point that they can humiliate and control. and in effect, they wanted to send a message. don't process. and indeed, that was what was going

the got what compromises they could get and responded to challenges by going more moderate with goldwater with the exception somebody on the right then they said we have to go back to the middle. then that type of mentality is pretty strong among the democrats. whenever they get beaten they go to the middle whenever republicans get the and they go to the right that means everybody goes to the right to. and want to know what they are doing is challenged more, they will continue the trend. >> the modern occurrence of the persecution politics in the united states, is a unique? or is it more a global phenomenon? but only in america. >> it depends. is persecution politics a global phenomenon or a national phenomenon? and the answer is broadly speaking, it is global and human nature. this is a fairly extreme case, but in the former yugoslav republic, when the serbians were attacking muslims they were claiming to be the victims as defending themselves as appealing two centuries old legends and history some of the idea of blaming the victim were claiming to be the victim as an excuse for attackin

for example bob taft for barry goldwater or reagan newt gingrich before he became famous visceral important conservatives,. >> also congressman frank. >> right, right, right, barney frank, yes indeed. and as service as we move from a system of citizen legislators into career legislators, i think for my own experience what i've been able to see, and i think from what people have been able to put together and following the news carefully is the temptation to protect your right to get reelected overwhelms your willingness to always votes the way your conscience tells you you ought to vote. when i was elected to come even though i was elected as a candidate on the conservative party i joined the republican caucus, and shortly after we were sworn in, john tower, then in charge of recruiting new members opened by saying you're first obligation from now one is to ensure your free election so many of you when you're in office the bell will ring and you're supposed to race to the senate floor to vote on something you've never heard of before. there's no way of keeping track of everything before. the

he says at one point we pass politely over barry goldwater. that's the distinction of libertarian style of conservatism and that distinction is lost in the iraq war and that debate, but i think it's a distinction worth preserving. >> guest: i do too. my father assumed the phrase doesn't go away because the truth is practically speaking almost every conservative ended up, you know, working with other conservatives and being in institutions with other conservatives, magazines that published both, and i found this when i came to washington in 1985, and i had my views, but practically speaking on what you wanted the department to do or not to do and no matter your views, it didn't make that much difference. in the mid-90s as people wrote essays as a distinctive way of thinking is it's going to go away, and that's fine. it was an interesting 20 years. he writes later on in 2003 that neoconservatism is a subterranean stream that reappears at different times in funny ways. for a few years if you fight together against obama care, who cares if in some

in the 1960 topos the goldwater voters -- in the 1960's with the goldwater voters in the most recent years the tea party. how do you keep the republican party open to the next waves of who can be added to the party strength and what groups to use seat critically available that we ought to be pursuing? maria cino. >> i will try to theec that multifaceted question. first of all again, my experience has been building strong coalitions, and i would first and foremost welcome open door and talk with all of the various groups and communicating with and working with them. i think the second thing is to make sure that our state parties are aware of the various coalitions and various groups and working with these folks as we look down the road in building from the bottom up our party to elect republicans in 2012. >> i have spent my entire political life in the trenches in this town where i grew up as an elected official and it has always been about the grass roots, the bottom-up, reaching up in getting out of the comfort zone as republicans. we do get a little comfortable with ourselves and w

speech.eda declared that it rang with ther rhetoric rarely found in a political statement.the barry goldwater, the leader of the conservative wing said somewhat patronizing lead god, i would like to be able to do wit that boyto did there. the praise was so extravagant that it is difficult to believe the nation was as divided as itt yesterday, if not more so.e 1960 kennedy had won the 1960 election with only 49 percent o the popular vote as opposed to nixon's 496%. a gallup poll taken june after a search kennedy with an approval rating of 72%. his his own poll conducted by lou harris but his approval at an al astronomical 92%. 62% of same time more than 62 percent of the americans nowl electorate was now claiming that they had voted for kennedy in november.s, well, iconsidering this is tha perhaps understandable that hise successes might have paraphrased and expropriated some of theed passages and themes from this inaugural address for their ownl free usually passages that leaf one longing for kennedy. in his 1973 inaugural, for riard example, richard nixon offeredr americans is on version of

in the 1960 topos the goldwater voters -- in the 1960's with the goldwater voters in the mt recent years the tea party. how do you keep the republican party open to the next waves of who can be added to the party strength and what groups to use seat critically available that we ought to be pursuing? maria cino. >> i will try to the sec that multifaceted question. first of all again, my experience has been building strong coalitions, and i would first and foremost welcome open door and talk with all of the various groups and communicating with and working with them. i think the second thing is to make sure that our state parties are aware of the various coalitions and various groups and working with these folks as we look down the road in building from the bottom up our party to elect republicans in 2012. >> i have spent my entire political life in the trenches in this town where i grew up as an elected official and it has always been about the gss roots, the bottom-up, reaching up in getting out of the comfort zone as republicans. we do get a little comfortable with ourselves and we do b

franklin roosevelt trying to tell everyone that roosevelt was a communist and also a certain strand of goldwater republicanism that was really dying within the republican party until, until relatively recently. i think all of those things are combined, and then the active ingredient being this idea that there's this person who is not really american because of his background, his racial background and his, his upbringing. i think all those things are kind of combined in together. >> i want to say one more thing about white voters. white voters, especially blue collar white voters, they're probably the biggest swing voters we have in the country, especially in the midwest. i mean, in the midwest we have economic problems that are deeper than any politician can solve. and, but we continually keep firing politicians who can't solve them. i mean, the democrats lost four seats in if illinois, they lost five seats in ohio. i think it was five seats in if pennsylvania. so, i mean, i think this is a very volatile swing electorate, and they're going to go against whoever is in office. and it just happene

in the 1960 topos the goldwater voters -- in the 1960's with the goldwater voters in the most recent years the tea party. how do you keep the republican party open to the next waves of who can be added to the party strength and what groups to use seat critically available that we ought to be pursuing? maria cino. >> i will try to the sec that multifaceted question. first of all again, my experience has been building strong coalitions, and i would first and foremost welcome open door and talk with all of the various groups and communicating with and working with them. i think the second thing is to make sure that our state parties are aware of the various coalitions and various groups and working with these folks as we look down the road in building from the bottom up our party to elect republicans in 2012. >> i have spent my entire political life in the trenches in this town where i grew up as an elected official and it has always been about the grass roots, the bottom-up, reaching up in getting out of the comfort zone as republicans. we do get a little comfortable with ourselves and

and it was the movement of barry goldwater. there was newt gingrich's movement with the contract for america. there and the number of groups associated with ronald reagan that have talked about bringing in more fiscal responsibility for our country. and lately, there has been the tea party movement that really i think our panelists can talk a little bit about that, but the questions that arise from this tea party movement are of note and interest to us today. in particular, the concern over having an african-american president and the response to it. there is an interesting poll that we were discussing before our session commenced today that 40% of people on the right believe that the president is a muslim, and this kind of perception that is out there has in some ways driven the sentiment that our country is under attack and there is the theme of it is time to take our country back. another issue is the sense that there is discrimination against the majority, and therefore the shirley sherrod case, the woman involved, africa a

and it was the movement of barry goldwater. there was newt gingrich's movement with the contract for america. there and the number of groups associated with ronald reagan that have talked about bringing in more fiscal responsibility for our country. and lately, there has been the tea party movement that really i think our panelists can talk a little bit about that, but the questions that arise from this tea party movement are of note and interest to us today. in particular, the concern over having an african-american president and the response to it. there is an interesting poll that we were discussing before our session commenced today that 40% of people on the right believe that the president is a muslim, and this kind of perception that is out there has in some ways driven the sentiment that our country is under attack and there is the theme of it is time to take our country back. another issue is the sense that there is discrimination against the majority, and therefore the shirley sherrod case, the woman involved, africa a

there was the movement of barry goldwater. there was licking riches movement with the contract for america. there have been a number of groups associated with ronald reagan that have talked about bringing in more fiscal responsibility for our country. lately there has been the tea party movement that really our panelists can talk a little bit about. the question that arises is of note and interest to us today. and in particular the concern over having an african-american president and the response to it. there is an interesting poll that we were discussing before hour session commenced today that 40 percent of people on the right believe that the president is a muslim. this kind of perception that is out there has in some ways driven to the sentiment that our country is under attack and there is the theme of its time to take our country back. another issue is the sense that there is discrimination against the majority. therefore the woman, african-american woman who inspired based on statements that were attributed to her that

there was the movement of barry goldwater. there was newt gingrich's contracts for the america and numerous groups associated with ronald reagan about bringing in more fiscal speedometer for our country, -- responsibility for our country, and lately there's been the tea party movements that really i think our panelists can talk a little bit about that, but the questions that arise from the tea party movement of are interest -- are of interest to us today, and in particular, the concern of having an african-american president and the response to it. there's an interesting poll that we were discussing before our session commenced today that 40% of people on the right believe that the president is a muslim, and this kind of perception that is out there has in some says driven the sentiment that our country is under attack and there's the theme of it's time to take our country back. another issue is this sense that there is discrime mages against the majority, and therefore the shirley sherrod case, the woman, the african-american

for example bob taft for barry goldwater or reagan newt gingrich before he became famous visceral important conservatives,. >> also congressman frank. >> right, right, right, barney frank, yes indeed.