october 24th, goldwater called the nuclear bomb, merely another weapon.te for president johnson, the stakes are too high for you to stay home. >> nuclear was not the only subject that they were using against goldwater, one spot that sid was primarily sponsored for ridiculed goldwater's statement of sawing off the eastern sea board of the united states. [ sawing sounld -- sound ] >> in a saturday evening post article, barry gold waiter said, sometimes i think this country would be better off if we can saw off the eastern seaboard and let it float to sea. can he be expected to serve all the people justly and fairly? vote for president johnson on november 3rd, the stakes are too high for you to stay home. >> notice that there's a minimum amount of information in these spots but they are rich and memorable images, that was one of the key innovation that sid and his colleagues achieved in that year. the daisy girl spot and 27 of them in all, were the first spots that use creative advertising principals, in a presidential campaign except for the 15 second eisen

and so on up until the modern era but the barry goldwater conservatism in arguably the william buckley william if i interviewed. back when he was alive for a book i wrote a number of years ago and i have. without going into all that. they seem to hold to an ideal almost an idealized world and it seemed. the hierarchy was important i mean you know kirks the first chapter the conservative mind is devoted to burke and burke's whole thing as you point out was it was hierarchy. but there was utopianism there was associated with the goldwater movement the drew in people like like hillary clinton and me when we were teenagers i was thirteen and you know when i went door to door my dad for barry goldwater and that seems eight to have been largely lost and corrupted you know if there's any little piece of it left it might be in the ron paul movement by modern conservatives have they. modern conservatives seem to be not about the elegant discussion but rather the defense of billionaires and transnational corporations am i misunderstanding the sore is. has there been some sort of a transformation

but there was utopianism the there was associated with the goldwater movement the drew in people like like hillary clinton and me when we were teenagers i was thirteen and you know when i went door to. my dad from barry goldwater and that seems eight to have been largely lost and corrupted you know if there's any little piece of it left it might be in the ron paul movement by modern conservatives have they. modern conservatives seem to be not about the elegant discussion but rather the defense of billionaires and transnational corporations am i misunderstanding the sore is. has there been some sort of a transformation or aura or a seizure of conservatism by the very wealthy. well it's important that you know first of all this utopian element of conservatism because it's oftentimes been denied by conservatives themselves and by historians but i think you're absolutely right and again this goes back to the very beginning that what's what's made conservatism such a kind of a strange animal and hard to get you know one's mind around is that it has been this defense of inequality of this d

vote for barry goldwater. >> so as you can see, the goldwater spot is really kind of frozen in time.ferent from the spots that were shown a decade earlier. so now we arrive at the 1964 johnson campaign and the spots that quite literally changed american politics. what would become known as the daisy girl spot was produced by doyle dane burnback, was seen that night by an estimated 50 million people, and i would like to note that one of the creators of the spot is with us today. sid, would you stand up and raise your hand? this is sid meyers. [applause] sid is a legend -- >> [inaudible] [laughter] >> well, that'll be determined later, i think. sid is a legend in the advertising business, and he was a senior art director for ddb in 1964 and was a key player in the creation of the daisy girl spot and some of the others that you'll see in a moment. he's joined here with some of his colleagues with the new firm they've created, chuck schroeder, ed giles and don, and sid's wife bonnie is here as well, so i hope you'll get a chance to visit with him and talk to him. these are the original m

he almost, i think, considered trying to move in ahead of goldwater after goldwater ran into difficulty in 1964. he felt he was more mature and that this would be his time in 1968 and all the planets came into alignment for him. it was an extraordinary year, but i think he sort of always wanted to be president of the united states from the time he became vice president. >> he was the so-called new nixon. was he knew or different from 1960? >> he would tell me about certain people that had worked with him. he said pat, they're eight years older than they are, and i'm eight years younger. there was no question about it. nixon had matured in a way up there out of office, been humiliated with the defeat in 1962 in california. he had come to new york and written off politics and all of a sudden he had seen this opening. in 1965 when i went to work for him as the first aid, he came aboard. it was pat buchanan in the office with rosemary wood, a little tiny off off his office in the law firm and mrs. ryan who was patricia ryan nixon, the president's waif was down there handling phones for him

i got to go with the service chiefs on the hill, under oath, goldwat goldwater/nichols sbest thing that happened to the department of defense. it forced collaboration, information share ing and it changed attitudes and behavior. i think information sharing is the key. but the current draft, while i applaud them, they don't go far enough to require it in two dimensions. require it in law. and reward it because you engaged in information sharing. >> and nothing like promotion paths being tied to here what has to get beyond the traditional national security to include our economic security, for lack of a better term, even beyond u.s. government to include the private sector csos and others. >> the department of -- >> how do you incentivize that career path? >> you cannot be an admiral or general unless you are certified in warfare. you have that experience. that way it makes you qualified for promotion. that's the incentive. >> we have time for a few questions. please identify yourself before your question. and let me, mark, i'm curious, you heard a lot about the backbones and telecommunic

it's interesting to think that if nixon had actually won the 1960 election goldwater would never have been nominated, of course, in '64 and probably not later either and the whole republican party might very well have been quite different. one can speculate about that. i think what actually drives the '60 election and what makes it important historically is that it is the point where both money and television entered into politics in a big way. money, of course, is not new in politics and one can go back to alexander hamilton to see that, but money is used in much larger quantities than 1960 and especially when kennedy comes up with the idea that the only way he can win the democratic nomination is by winning primaries and he had to spend a lot of his own money in order to do so and the combination of the money for tv ads and also money for staff in running a campaign that starts way before the nominating convention, and all of this is an innovation. since he has more or less locked up ahead of time doesn't have to worry about the nomination, but he can see that kennedy is on to somet

he made a trip to scottsdale, arizona, to encourage members of the right wing goldwater institute tolow his union busting lead. >> they want their hands on the automatic dues. that's what this battle is about. it is not about workers' rights. we need to make sure there are freedom-loving americans all across this country who are willing to stand shoulder to shoulder and arm to arm and say we're not going to back down. tonight you may say i'm preaching with the choir, but the last request on that point is that the friend that my dad had said i'm preaching to the choir because i want the choir to sing. tonight, i'm asking you to sing if you believe in what we're talking about, tell the message in arizona and all across america that we can do things better. >> the goldwater institute took walker's advice to heart. their website features this headline, bigger than wisconsin, reforming government unions will save taxpayers billions. but arizona republicans are not reforming republican employee unions, they're out to eliminate them. they want to outlaw collective bargaining, automatic payr

goldwater blew up the election blew up the party brought back the moderates nixon and ford and that. brought out the crazies reagan and with and you know which was polish by george george h.w. bush which was followed by a right wing crazy george w. bush and you'd think that the party would be going into a moderate phase but it got dragged out by the tea party this weird thing that only lasted a couple of years from the radical going to the moderate to coming back to being the radicals and frankly it's because you know all this money can't was thrown into it by by the billionaires and the and the tea party so we'll see how this this whole tea party thing you know works out but it looked to me like it's going to get a little more moderate and so this is going to be these struggle in my opinion. for the republicans over the course of this year how do they root out the radical elements in their party the tea party before those radical elements crashed the economy again like they did in one nine hundred twenty nine or run congress so poorly that they're banished from the majority in the h

a director at the goldwater institute writes -- the environment, the climate that we face in arizonaceptive to these kinds of reforms than wisconsin is. arizona, of course, is already a right-to-work state. does that make it easier for these laws to get through? >> i'm afraid it does, ed. and one of the things that made the fight back in wisconsin so effective was that, even though governor walker only targeted some public sector unions, those unions that weren't targeted, police and firefighters, stepped up to support their fellow trade unionists, and very quickly the steel workers and other private sector unions came in. in arizona, many of those unions don't have the capacity or the strength that they have in wisconsin because it's a right-to-work state. >> and because of some legislative rules that are put in place, their window of debate is much smaller in their session than it is in most other states. so this has been on the fast track. it was introduced on monday and the conference on tuesday. and they're just moving quickly on this. where the unions and the workers aren't goi

and besides that it wasn't what barry goldwater the republican nominee for president one hundred sixty four believed and he would have been outraged this was a republican party that rallied behind two white eisenhower elected him president united states twice in fifty two and fifty six eisenhower also did not believe in an all powerful military security complex famously saying this. it is classifiers missionizing fifty three. every gun that is made every warship launched every rocket fired signifies in the final game a fan from those longer and not. those who are cold and i'm not but. this world in arms is not spending money alone. it is spending in the sweat of its labors. the genius of it signed the obvious to. the cost the one modern heavy bomber is this. a modern brick school in more than thirty. two electric power plant each serving a town of sixty on the lakes. it is. only possible . it is on the miles of country. and. we paid for a single fighter plane with us i have many invoices we. we pay for a single destroyer with new homes and of how. more than a thousand feet. that is not

and besides that it wasn't what barry goldwater the republican nominee for president one hundred sixty four believed and he were been outraged this was a republican party that rallied behind dwight eisenhower elected him president united states twice in fifty two and fifty six eisenhower also did not believe in an all powerful military security complex famously saying this in his cross of iron speech in one hundred fifty three. every gun that is made every warship launched every rocket fired signifies in the final game the fans from those who are not. those who are cold and are not going. this world in arms is not spending money. you spend in the sweat of its labors. do you see the sign of the obvious to. the cost modern heavy bombers is it. a modern brick school in more than thirty. two electric power plant each serving its sound sixty. two. only possible. it is some to be mine. the. we pay for a single fighter plane with us i have many invoices. we pay for a single destroyer with new homes and put it how. more than a thousand feet. that is not a way of life at all. in anything. under

vote for barry goldwater. >> so as you can see the goldwater spot is kind of frozen in time.h different from the spots shown a decade earlier. so now we arrive at the 1964 johnson campaign and the spot that quite literally changed american politics. what would become known as the daisy girl spot was produced by doyle was seen that dmit night by estimated 50 million people. i would like to note that one of the creators of the spot is it with us today. sid, would you stand up and wave your hand. this is sid meyers [applause] sid is a legend -- [inaudible] that will be determined later i think. sid is a legend in the advertising business. he was a senior art director for ddb in 1964 and was key creation in the daisy girl spot and some of the others in a moment. he is joined with some of his colleagues new firm, creative people. chuck schroeder at giles and don and sid's wife bonnie are here as well. hope you get a chance to visit with him and talk to them. these are the original "mad men" you're seeing. we'll watch the spot, daisy girl's spot. shown one time, only once as a paid

his books include before the storm, barry goldwater and the unmaking of the american consensus, nixon land, the rise of a president and fracturing of america, which became a "new york times" best seller. and to complete the try up fer aunt of goldwater and nixon, he's now at work about a book about ronald reagan called the invisible bridge. and his books have received glowing reviews from people both on the left and on the right, which is quite unusual especially in third rail material like his. he's been chief political correspondent for the village voice. and his essays and articles and reviews have appeared in places like the new republic slate, the "new york times," "washington post" and many others. rick in some ways is our journalist slash historian on the panel, although everyone else here has also written in what we might call journalistic venues and so there's no particular could you be bihole that anyone is in. so i would ask you please to join me in welcoming the panel. [ applause ] so i'd like to start by asking the question, and i'll ask it many different ways, of what is

, explain that. >> well, george romney was running for reelection in 1964 and barry goldwater was theominee and george romney did not endorse him and barry goldwater got creamed in michigan by lbj, but george romney went marching to victory and a lot of conservative republicans were very bitter about it. and guess who is running now for president, mitt, george's son and they think he's a little suspicious, as somebody who's not a down the line, trustworthy republican and maybe there's some kind of lineage going on here. >> and you look in massachusetts when he was running. >> exactly. >> that's an old story. >> old story, oh, they've long memories here. >> bret: in michigan. >> with the conservatives, yes. >> bret: let me go down the line. what are the things we're not focusing on as national media about michigan that maybe we're overlooking about this place, and the politics here? >> well, i would say, again, that autos are sort of the sacred institution of michigan. and i think that romney may have a logical explanation for why he took his stance, but to the voters, it's going to so

why should he debate goldwater, he's beating him by 20, 30, 40 points. why would you debate somebody you're beating by 40 points? humphrey -- let me tell you a short story. we took al smith to dinner -- >> explain the al smith dinner. >> the al smith dinner is a political dinner in new york. it's hosted by the archbishop of new york and all the cardinals come and the candidates come, and kennedy did a great job in 1960. he stole the show. nixon. nixon gave a speech, and it was okay. i would give it a b. but he wasn't really, and humphrey got up and he was the funniest thing you have ever seen. he went up for seven minutes and he never sat down. and he went on and on and on. lost thet his humor was terrifi. that's what they like. and kennedy was wonderful at that. my father told me not to buyd s great at that, and he was much better than nixon was, and humphrey did a great job but he lost the night because of that. this is the gentleman -- let me give you some -- you mentioned on speeches. i'll say this. jack kennedy said if you've talked for 20 minutes a

in fact, i do have is a volume on goldwater nichols on my desk which shows you what secretaries of security read in their spare time. it took about 40 years between the creation of the department of defense and the management that goldwater-nichols represented. we will beat that target. we will take lessons learned in the department, not everything done in the department applies in the dhs context and in many ways we have a much broader set of missions that we have to perform. but things like acquisition review, particularly for large purchases, how you manage procurement in general. things like looking at how you buy, you know, software. how you buy vehicles. designing common frames for aircraft that can be used by coast guard -- >> you have five seconds -- i want to mention at the hearing out of all the departments you get 50% of the funding for dhs, that was an important point that i was not aware of and perhaps we can change that as well. >> that is for the congress. but i'll say, those are the kinds of efficiencies that we can, i think, encourage and grow at dhs. >> thank you, madam. >

i do have a volume of goldwater/nichols on my desk which i guess shows you what secretaries of homeland security do in their spare time. in any event, it took about 40 years between the creation of the department of defense and the consolidation and management that goldwater/nichols represented. we're going to beat that target. we're going to take lessons learned in dod. not everything done in the dod context applies in the dhs context. and we also in many respects have a much broader set of missions that we have to perform. but things like acquisition review, particularly for large purchases. how you manage procurement in general. things look liike looking at ho buy software, how you guy vehicles, designing common frames for aircraft that could be used by coast guard -- >> i do want to mention at that hearing, out of all the agencies in charge of homeland security, d h dhs only gets 50% of that funding. that was an important point i was not aware of. i think perhaps we can change that as well. >> that's for the congress. >> precisely. >> i will say. but those are the kinds of efficienc

so the people we needed to get to win the nomination was john tower, barry goldwater and strom thurm thurman, not nelson rockefeller. romney was perceived as that part of the party. i remember the late nick timmish. it w it was before the bible shlg. we were on park avenue at the fabricated offices. he said you better get up to new hampshire. romney is working extremely hard doing four or five coffees a day and he's really doing the state in retail politics. i went to president nixon, vice president nixon and ig said timmish is not a hostile guy. he said horomney is breaking ground. nixon said he can wait for the final day. he announced on february 23nd o election year. the republicans would be like announcing right now. so he announced and went in there then. what happened is romney -- it was at any time mormonism. i don't recall mormonism being brought up. romney was running on moral decay and denouncing moral decay, and we said the ads looked like toothpaste adds, you know? he desperately tried to get nixon into a debate. we're not going to debate him, and nixon said the debate is

so that was the rational eisenhower republicans but then a generation later came the irrational goldwater republicans who oppose the civil rights laws thought it was all about states' rights they wanted a belligerent foreign policy which just handed lyndon johnson the daisy ad you know hey let's have a nuclear war and of course barry goldwater wanted to cut taxes for the rich and deregulate industry he failed and they collapsed and so we got the nixon republicans back to some i rational republicans i mean you could argue nixon was mentally ill but you know it for nixon actually nine hundred seventy three proposed what is almost absolute identical program as obamacare. and go back and look at the history of it it's quite a stone they created the e.p.a. during that time progressive taxation was you know strong and in place in fact the top tax rate was ninety one percent richard nixon thought that was just fine. the nixon rational republicans were followed by the radical republicans again ronald reagan reagan comes in office created the biggest tax cut for the rich since warren harding which

i'm waiting to hear a definition that was actually offered in the 1964 campaign by barry goldwater.you knew in '64 what you were positioning against because there was an ideology there and it was coherent. and it was consistent with what he had acted upon across his career. it would have been a very interesting race had we actually had a debate between john kennedy and barry goldwater as proposed or between lyndon johnson and barry goldwater because they each incarnated a philosophy that they could express, very different views of government, very difference-- different views of federalism, very different roles of the individual in society. it would have been a very, very interesting campaign because it was there. i don't hear it there in the republican candidates. i am not clear with these conservatives about what they mean by this ideology. and i have the sense that they're chasing this thing called the base and trying to identify with it without bringing the rest of us along in an understanding of what it is. so fashion for me as a person who would like to understand what it is t

the same position i think as i did but added goldwater into the mix.is, who is in charge, the political elite? the establishment, the elected officials? the money people who are going to pick the nominee, based on the electability or the grass roots, who are much more ideological and, you know, the street folks in the party. who are going to decide who the nominee is. and if you go back to mcgovern or back to goldwater, in both cases you had the sort of ideological wing of the party taking control of the nomination process, and, picking a candidate who, quite frankly, most people in the establishment thought couldn't win. this time, you have the republican establishment which is almost 100% behind romney. and you've got a lot of people at the grassroots level, the folks who are party members, party activists, much more ideological. backing santorum and, there is a real question here. who is in charge. >> arthel: is this an example of the republicans going off-roading and, if so, who would it take or what would it take to get them back on the main track

handed lyndon johnson the daisy ad you know hey let's have a nuclear war and of course there were goldwater wanted to cut taxes for the rich and deregulate industry he failed and it collapsed and so we got the nixon republicans back to so my rational republicans i mean you could argue it's and was mentally ill but you know nixon actually nine hundred seventy three proposed what is almost absolute identical program as obamacare. and you go back and look at the history of it it's pretty stunning they created the e.p.a. during that time progressive taxation was you know strong and in place that the top tax rate was ninety one percent richard nixon thought that was fine the nixon rational republicans were followed by the radical republicans again the reagan reagan guns in office created biggest tax cut for the rich since warren harding which produced and by the way that was so bad i mean that hurt the budget so badly that he also passed the biggest tax increase on working people in the entire history of the united states he started a war on working people by busting the patco union this was in

i look back at the goldwater election, 1963 and 1964, a lot of people came into the party and strengthened the party. made it more conservative and more active. i understand why our enemies advise us against having a stronger and bigger party. there were a number of the establishment republicans warning us against all the new people because they're used to be 12 people at our town committee meeting and now there are 40. they're not gone to re-elect me. more people are a good idea in a movement. i cannot imagine the guise of walmart looking out at new customers in the parking lot and going, we are in trouble, look at all of these new customers. thereby in all of our staff. we will have to get new stuff. -- they are buying all of our staff. we will have to get news staff. -- new stuff. in 2011, we had a very different house of representatives and a very different senate. we had people reacting against this wall of spending, at this tidal wave of spending that hit the country and scared a lot of people. as a result, we elected a different house and senate. in 2011, when the obama said, why do