it was goldwater who would pursue a southern strategy. he first demonized the civil rights act, which became law in the summer 1964. he also his team produced the the film choice, which was which goldwater himself racist. goldwater introduces the. the the law and order strategy which is pursued by richard nixon. so goldwater is also complicit in this racialist version of a southern strategy. this is continued, of course, in the campaigns. richard nixon, who who argues for a more blatant law and order strategy. you also see it particularly in the campaigns of ronald, who talks of he talks of welfare queens, who talks of. strapping young bucks who began his which was obviously a racial code. you also see it in the reagan decision to begin the his campaign in neshoba county, mississippi, where three civil rights leaders were murdered and freedom summer of 1964. by by the end of his term in 1988. three fourths of african americans were convinced that reagan was a racist. so i argue that it was more intentionally racist from the beginning. and

so he approached barry goldwater, and knowing that goldwater was considering running for president in 1964 said goldwater, look, we should do this together and push back on these people. and if we do so together i think we can have a real impact on the party, so i'll write the first editorial, the "national review", ," and then you writea letter to the editor of the "national review" supporting the editorial. goldwater agrees. and buckley write a 4000 word editorial. in the "national review" about why the john birch society is so bad for america come so bad for the republican party, talks in-depth about the anti-semitism, why that's so bad. goldwater was out, no other way to put it. he starts to get pressure back from john birchers inside the republican party. he's worried that if he does this he will not win the nomination in 1964, and so he writes back a very, very short, we could letter to buckley which is nothing like what the agreed upon. some buckley decides he's not going to publish it at first, and he goes to somebody else to see who has credibility and the conservative moveme

so he approached barry goldwater. and knowing that goldwater was considering running for president in 1964 and said the goldwater look. we should do this together. and push back on these people and if we do so together, i think we could have a real impact on the party. so let's i'll write the first editorial. in the national review and then you write a letter to the editor to the national review supporting the editorial. goldwater agrees and and buckley writes a 4,000 word editorial. the national review about why the john birch society is so bad for america and so bad for the republican party talks in depth about the anti-semitism and why that's so bad. goldwater was this out? no other way to put it. he starts to get pressure back. from john birchers inside the republican party. he's worried that if he does this he won't win the nomination in 1964. and so he writes back a very very short week. letter to buckley which is nothing like what they had agreed upon. so buckley decides that he's not going to publish it at fir

he called in barry goldwater, who was contemplating running for president and he and goldwater came tont. buckley what speak out first but -- against the society and goldwater would follow up with a force work -- both for -- force for -- forceful letter. i referred you to go back because it is exquisite ranges -- language against the and falsehoods and authoritarianism in a democracy. goldwater saw the root -- reaction to it by some members in the party and he backed up. -- backed out. he backed away from his agreement with buckley. luckily for buckley and others in our party, someone stepped forward. ronald reagan. [applause] ronald reagan wrote a list -- letter to the national review, saying that the john brooks -- burks society was not his republican party. reagan had not won for anything -- run for anything. with the integrity of our party and the vibrancy of our democracy was more important to reagan than his own personal ambition. someone asked how would you deal with this if you decide to win -- run for office. i want to read this to you. he said, " it would be my intention if i

goldwater saw the reaction to it by some members of the party and he backed out.backed away from his agreement with buckley. but luckily for william f buckley and even more buckley for our party, someone else dubbed forward, ronald reagan. [applause] ronald reagan wrote a letter to the national review saying that the john birch society was not his republican party and that it could cost him the ability to run for office and reagan had not run for anything. it cost them the ability to run for office then so be it. the integrity of our party and the vibrancy of our democracy was more important to reagan than his own personal ambitions. and someone asked him, how will you do with this if you decide to run for office. would you accept the support of the john birch society question mark i want to read this to you, it's important. he said it would be my intention if i seek public office to seek the support of individuals by persuading them of my philosophy , not accepting theirs. [applause] reagan gave a speech two years later in support of barry goldwater and called a

if he, if senator goldwater said that. and so guy smith was the republican editor of the knoxville journal, the morning newspaper, and use one who got them that advanced copy. so then howard baker called everett dirksen, and everett dirksen called the goldwater plane and got that part of the speech removed from the rally. >> congressman, can you read about that in this excellent book "from batboy to congressman"? >> yes. >> i will say this. there are bad people in both parties. i mean, for instance, it really bothers me that conservatives, conservative students are attack on college campuses and that they have to get an extra security when a conservative goes to speak to a young republican or a young americans for freedom group. george will has written, says that the place with the least freedom of speech in this country today is on college and university campuses. that, if that's true, and i'm sure you would disagree with that, but if that's true that would be -- [inaudible] >> you say there there's o that? that's interes

he approached barry goldwater and knowing goldwater was considered running for president in 1964 and such a goldwater we should do this together and push back on these people. and if we do so together i think we could have a real impact on the party. i will write the first editorial in the national review. then you write a letter to the editor of the national review supporting the editorial. buckley writes a 4000 word editorial the national review so bad for the vatican party goldwater was his out starts to get pressure back inside the republican party. he is worried that if he does is he will not win the nomination in 1964. and so he writes him back a very, very short week letter to buckley which is nothing like it. so buckley decides he's not going to publish it at first. and he goes to somebody else to see who has credibility in the conservativeac movement. he went to ronald reagan. who at that time was not even an official pretty given a speech in 1964 on behalf of goldwater. it was entitled a rendezvous with destiny. and reagan had become very popular figure in the movement beca

goldwater agrees. buckley writes a 4000 word editorial about why the john birch society is so bad for america and the republican party talking about anti-semitism and why it is so bad. goldwater was his out. no way j to put it he starts to pressure back insideoe the republican party and he is worried if he does this he will not win the nomination. so he writes back a very short and week letter to buckley which is nothing that they agreed upon so he decides he will not publish it and then goes to somebody else to see who has credibility in the movement. and thenof went to ronald reagan at that time was not even the elected official giving a speech on behalf of goldwater it was entitled rendezvous with destiny and reagan became a very popular figure because of the speech he would be elected two years later as governor of california. but reagan stood up and wrote a long impassioned letter as a former democrat as to why he thought the birchers were not somebody we should be embracing with thebs republican

locked out of the campaign so he was afraid goldwater would be associated with goldwater review but thatolitical energy expressed itself in his early friendship with ronald reagan and even later in his life who is willing to intervene, buckley's that is, in democratic primaries or support democratic candidates c including joe in order to get erid of the original me to. >> i came of age at the tail end of that so i studied austrians and corrupt reading those pages and i had an econ prophet who gave me an issue of the national review, i did know what was conservative in the late 80s early 90s. this is the path. you took and this is the movement you came into and so we have we have different movements like this in different times when people are coming of age in the conservative movement, and i think buckley of all people pretty much dominated it for about two or three decades. the the conservative ecosystem and nevertheless. we still had you still had a bunch of people, you know, john burchers and others that were there was a big fight, but he was the center of gravity and i think i think

the goldwater campaign which was managed by one of the most prominent presidents of this institution locked buckley out of the campaign. he was afraid goldwater would be associated with "national review" but that political energy expressed itself in early friendship with ronald reagan and even got to the point later in life where he was willing to intervene, buckley, that is, in democrat primaries, support democratic candidates including joe lieberman to get rid of the original me tooer. >> i came of age at the tail end of this. and grew up reading bob bartley's pages and i had a conservative economy professor who gave me his issue of "national review". i didn't know what it was, in the late 80s, he said you should take this and i will give you my copy when i am done with it and i consumed it and took to "national review" so if you are young budding conservative in the late 80s this is the path you took and the movement you came into and so we have different movements like this when people are coming of age and i think buckley of all people dominated for 2 or 3 decades. the conservat

culminate in 1964 in barry goldwater's nomination. the republican ticket. ironically the goldwater campaign t was managed the more prominent of this institution blocks buckley out of the campaign. he was afraid goldwater would be associate with national review with bill buckley. that kind of political energy also expressed itself in his early friendship with ronald reagan. it even got to the point later in his life he was willing to intervene, buckley that his democrat primaries for support democrat candidates including one joe lieberman in order to get rid of the original, came of age at the tail end of this. in college and grew up reading bob bartley's pages. i had a conservative econ it gave me his issue of national review i did not know what it was. i think you should take this and i will just give you my copy when i'm done with that. just consumed it and really took it to national view if you are young budding conservative in the late '80s early 90s this is the path you took. the mints to this in different times when people are coming of age in the con

he is the one senior republican who stays with goldwater and supports goldwater, which leads the conservativeovement of the party to be grateful to him, comes back and campaigns tirelessly in 1966. one person wrote a book on that 1966 campaign and points out how many hours a day nixon put in to crisscrossing the country to helping candidates. getting on the telephone. then he wins the nomination in 1968, and in a very narrow race beats hubert humphrey, and four years later wins one of the largest majorities in american history, carries all but one state, then the tragedy of watergate occurs. i am just suggesting to you that this process goes on, this is not a polaroid camera, this is a motion picture, and things will continue to evolve and continue to change, and richard nixon did a great deal to make this a much better world. now, if you're going to talk about grand strategy, you would talk about foreign policy, and i am delighted that the video you showed included henry kissinger. callista and i are both fond of henry. we spent a good deal of time with him. he just wrote a great new book ca

and towards conservatism so he played a big role in this in the early draft goldwater campaign that only needed in 1954 in barry goldwater's nomination, conservative nomination for president on the republican ticket. ironically than the goldwater campaign which was managed by one of the most prominent presidents of this institution locked buckley out of the campaign so he was afraid old water would be associated with national review and ssbuild buckley but that political energy also expressed itself in his early friendship with ronald reagan and even got to the point later in his life where he was willing to intervene, buckley that is in the democratic primaries. or support democratic candidates including one to lieberman in connecticut in order to get rid of the original me-tooer i came of age and is studied friedman in college and grew up reading bob bartley's papers and i had a conservative econ professor who gave me this issue of national review. i didn't know whatit was . it was in the late 80s in college and he said i think you should take this and i'll just give you my copy when i

if if he if senator goldwater said that. and so. guy smith was the republican editor of the knoxville journal, the morning newspaper. and he's the one who got him that advance copy. so then howard baker called everett dirksen and then everett dirksen called the goldwater plane. and got that part of the speech removed from that rally. congressman, can you read about that, this excellent book? yes. from bat boy to congressman. yes, i. i thank you. good. okay great kind of house to. i will say this. there's there are bad people in both parties. i mean, for instance it really bothers me that conservatives, conservative students are attacked on college campuses and that they have to get in extra security when a conservative goes to speak to a young republican or, a young americans for freedom and will has written that says that the that the the place with least freedom of speech in this country today is on college and university campuses. and that's that if that's true and i'm sure you would disagree with that. but if that's true, that w

barry goldwater was flying into knoxville.y called in howard baker and decided that they were not going to go to the airport for the rally if senator goldwater said that. >> there are people in both parties for instance it really bothers me that conservative students are attacked on college campuses and they have to get extra security when the conservative goes to speak to the young republican or young americans for freedom and george will says that the place with the least freedom of speech in thisis country today is on colle and university campuses. if w that's true, and i'm sure u would disagree but if that's true, you say there's some truth to that, that's interesting. >> all i can tell you is this, if you go to any republican club or republican meeting inn this country, you would find mostly very, very fine people, very good people who love this country and who are sincerely trying to make things better. that's thean main thing i can tl you and i spoke about 2,000 times to school groups about half inng washington and half

he was afraid come he was afraid goldwater would be associated with "national review" and bill buckley. but that kind of political energy also expressed itself in his early friendship with ronald reagan and even, you know, got to the point later in his life when he was willing to intervene, buckley that is, in democratic primaries, or support democratic candidates including one joe lieberman for senate in connecticut in order to get rid of the original me too. >> i came of age at the tail end of this so i studied the austrians in college and friedman and grew up reading bob bartley pages, and i had a conservative econ professor who gave me this issue of "national review." i did know what it was. as in the late 80s in college. he said i think you should take this and you should, i'll just give you my copy when i'm done with it every week, and then i just consumed it and really took to the "national review." so if you were a young budding conservative in the late '80s and early '90s, this is the path you took and this is a movement you came into. and so we have different movements like t

was running and ultimately losing the race for the senate that year anyone two years later that goldwater flying into knoxville as the campaign rally and they got an advance copy of his speech and in his speech he was knoxville and was advocating for the sale of pba well, my dad called howard baker and they decided that out they were not going to do go to the airport for the rally if he person goldwater said that cancel smith come the republican imager of the knoxville general come the morning and despite randy is money got them that advanced copy and so then, howard baker called dirksen and dirksen called the gold water plane and he got that part of the speech removed it from that rallying congressman. >> can you read about that in his excellent book. >> yes. >> i will s say this, they're bd people in both parties. for instance, bothers me that conservatives students are tacked on college campuses nafta get an extra security many conservative goes to speak to young publican is for freedom and they've written that the place with the least freedom of speech is country today is on college a

so the point is and that was the framers of goldwater nickels. wanted to make sure we had absolute civilian control of the military and so it go it in like you say, there's only only one person other than the commander in chief. and by the way, he has to go through the secretary of defense to the war fighting commands. and so there were a number of instances where you know, there were times when there were suggestions made to the war fighting commands one that comes to mind in the book that frankly would concern me as someone that is really a student of this area was you mentioned in the book that at one point there was some suggestions by some of the senior staff and the white house that we move 250,000 active duty military to the southern border to help protect the border and that perhaps some people in the department of homeland security wall so involved and the us northern command, which is one of the in commands established by don rumsfeld after 9/11 whose whole mission is to protect the united states of america the land space the airspace s

. >> goldwater -- >> he was impeached but he would have been convicted by the senate. >> yes.in and i found is that goldwater went to nixon at the end, as you say. he knew he was going to be impeached. how many votes do i have? in one of the courageous moments said, mr. president, i have counted and you have five votes and one of them is not mine. the next day, nixon announced he was resigning. >> you know, that's so extraordinary. how do you compare donald trump and his attitude towards the law and towards the office of the presidency and richard nixon? >> well, i mean, you could write books on that. history is going to be debating it. but what trump -- the big difference is -- i've done these audios. people have asked about the interviews that were done, the nixon interviews in the '70s. nixon then couldn't run. but trump could run. i believe from my reporting and others, he is going to run. so how is -- biden raises the issue of democracy. but i think it sounds abstract to people struggling with crime and inflation. the real question is, what would trump do as president? >>

>> i learned goldwater nichols for my career in the army in the past year i graduated from west point secretary of defense this allba of authority, two people only the entire u.s. to deploy u.s. troops abroad from a presidentr of united states and secretary of defense every couple of weeks i would sign the orders and chain of command runs from a the president to secretay of defense to combatant commanders. ... the and understanding those the roles at different people play is critical and then you've got the service chiefs and service secretaries who are also in the chain of command but not in operational mode, but in terms of as you know from title 10 manning training equipping and organizing the force the force that they then hand off to the the force that they then hand off to the combatant commanders to deploy and employ and it's very importantay distinctions. >> as the secretary of the harm in the civilian head of the army were subject to the authority of control of van secretary jim mattis but you are and army chief who was a one point mark y milley was subject to your authority

me a little bit of what happened in 1964, when there was a really powerful faction behind barry goldwaterthe conservative candidate. there were lots of establishment republicans who did not want him as the candidate, and there was a realloor fight, because that is how you pick your presidential candidates, in 1964 over what the future of the party itself was going to be. geoff: on the democratic side, as we said, there's a generational shift happening in leadership. institutional convictions can be a real impediment to the younger generation, especially in congress where power is built on seniority that takes years to accrue. beverly: right. at the moment we have a whole generation, really two generations of democratic politicians who have been waiting for their moment in the sun. pelosi stepping aside for the democrats is really going to make that kind of generational shift possible. as you say, tehre's -- there are lots of aspects of the ways we structure our politics that tend to favor people who are older, people who stay in office longer. quite famously the white south, when it was i

party to change you know in 1861 goldwater famously declared that the republican party which you know at that time black folks by and large was typically outside the north were not were allowed to vote of that republicans ought to go looking, as he put it, hunting where the ducks are basically the whole southern strategy that the republican party at that time began in a very dramatic way to turn its back on the very idea of integrating blacks as part of that part of american society as part of that society. and that's when the groundwork was laid for the evolution of the republican party, which ultimately delivered to us donald trump. that's 250. so years of history in like 5 minutes. but that's that race and reckoning is about is about the decision that we made as a country that delivered us to this point where we are now. and i'm going to read a little bit of that, if you will, allow me. in 1965, abraham lincoln, ibram lincoln, martin luther delivered a famous speech on capitol steps in montgomery, alabama in which she asked and i'm going to start reading the second how long will it

the last part of his legacy that playing in the draft goldwater campaigns.t political energy expenses often theat early friendship with ronald reagan that then in order to get rid of so i studied in college friedman anger up reading bob bartley's pages. and then i will give you my copy when i am done with it. [laughter] and i consumed it. so so we have different movements like this when people come of age. i think bessie but he was the center of gravity and if reagan wasn't on the cover then exactly. >> of all the debates we are having at the moment but also to build up the infrastructure to compete with the conservative infrastructure and then over this new right for many years but in the final years of the trump presidency in the years subsequent they are building their own infrastructure. just shows you the importance of institution. because with the and writing about who was in their basement but it would be in the old right that presented itself as a within those institutions there was a dividing line so that blinded the roof coldfusion is him so beginn

it deals with those people who tried to become president barry goldwater bobby kennedy hubert humphrey george mcgovern george wallace. runs too so much of the 1960s talks about supreme court justices. it talks about a general or to talks about the towering activists. we associate with the 60s, dr. martin luther king jr. malcolm x but if there's one thing that animates my sense of the past my sense of myself as an historian. is also really believe that ordinary people. are central to history too? ordinary people who we don't know help us understand whose names. we've never heard of help us understand. the past in a new way an ordinary people in the american past change this nation. so alongside all those famous people who run through the shattering. but i also try to do is tell the stories of ordinary people. what i want to do today. so i just want to tell you. four stories and this is the first one. this is the fourth of july 1961. on the 6100 block of west eddy street in the northwest corner of chicago the day before and cahill and his neighbor clarence mitchell draped their block in

she is a reagan goldwater coolidge conservative. on behalf of that narrow constituency that does almost as not exist anymore and i think -- no one to stick up for that knowing that he was going to lose. but another part of what he did this past year, it reminded me of cersei lana stir lannister when they said, what are you going to do? she said, i choose violence. -- -- and i'm not going to do it. that was the political lesson that she taught, whether or not she goes on to a presidential race. >> -- hq o was told about the reference. very well done. one -- of the reasons that donald trump was still well alive politically, she talked about the idea of not having, essentially, the political coffin nailed, with that impeachment. and here she is talking about this issue as yet one instance, or frankly many, where trump could have been, essentially, dismissed. >> if after the house impeached don trump in january 2021, if the impeachment article had immediately gone to the senate and we immediately had a trial, we would be in a very diffe

importance, you know that would require significant changes whether it was the tuition or a new goldwater nickels act but what can individual people do that can make a difference that your outline that maybe they can't make all those changes at this time. but what can individual people do that's a very good question first they can vote. and they can ensure the people they're voting for are qualified and try not to vote along party lines. second they can take a really harsh. look at the republicans and democrats and perhaps become independence for a lot of real independence for a lot of reasons and therefore mobilize central the center part of america politics in america today are 70% of americans are left of center right of center center. but wings the extreme left and right are dominating politics how do you reverse that? i argue at an earlier book. universal voting would reverse that simply because of americans had to vote the senate would prevail and you wouldn't get a lot of these characters from the left to the right. that's probably not going to happen. so people have got to inform

fabric of republicans in this state, a long history dating from john mccain all the way to barry goldwater. and they are reacting. one person who i want to quote, baird morrison, who worked for blake masters during the primary, says that he hopes that keri lake will, quote, graciously concede. and he says that the lesson of this election tells us one thing. this election tells us one thing. following trump over the cliff will not win elections. and then, i was just talking about that battle between the mccain republicans and the trump republicans. fierce battle we've seen over a couple of different cycles. one of their publicans in the state said that kari lake told a legion of john mccain supporters across arizona that they could go to bleep, tonight, they return at their favor. so, this sort of annexed, what we see is that republicans, those mccain republicans, they ended up fundraising for katie hobbs. we talked to a number of them. many on camera who said that they simply could not stomach the trump republicans, that what they wanted was what mccain represented, decency, honesty, and c

it deals with those people who tried to become president, mary goldwater, bobby county, hubert humphrey, george mcgovern, george wallace. who runs through so much of the 1960s. talk about supreme court justices, talks about a general or two, talks about the towering activists we have associate with the 60s, darton dr. mountain luther king junior, malcolm x. but, if there is one thing that animates my sense of the past, my sense of myself as a historian, i also really believe that ordinary people are central to history as well. ordinary people who way do not know help us understand whose name we have never heard of, they help us understand the passed in a new way. and, ordinary people in the american past change this nation. so, alongside all of those famous people who run through the shattering, what i also try to do is tell the stories of ordinary people. what i want to do today is i just want to tell you for stories. and this is the first one. this is the 4th of july, 1961, on the six-day 100 block of west and east street in the northwest quarter of chicago we. the day before new ad c

it deals with those people who tried to become president, barry goldwater, bobby kennedy, hubert humphreyern, george wallace, who ran through so much of the 1960s. it talks about supreme court justices. it talks about a general or to. it talks about the towering activists we associate with the 60s, dr. martin luther king jr., malcolm x. but if there's one thing that animates my sense of the past, my sense of my sufficient stories, is they also really believe that ordinary people are essential to history,. ordinary people we don't know help us understand, whose names you've never heard of, help us understand the passed in a new way. ordinary people, the american past change this nation. so, alongside all of those famous people who went through the shattering, what i also try to do is tell the stories of ordinary people. what i want to do today, i just want to tell you, our stories, or story. war stories. and this is the first one. this is the 4th of july 1961, on the 6100 block of west eddie street in the northwest corner of chicago. a day before -- ad and his neighbor, terrence mitchell,

that has been led by the corporate law firm gibson dunn by a very small cadre of organizations, the goldwater really leading the front that in our investigation we found money from the bradley foundation, a right-wing family foundation, was behind her efforts. and a small group of private adoption attorneys and organizations representing private adoption industry it is pretty extraordinary when you look at the difference in hammond people are fighting this law and how many people support the law. there is texas coming out saying icwa is about law and then on the other side you have 23 states. it shows where we are in our democracy that when something is not popular, you could not get congress to overturn icwa, have enough resources and money to the courts to the same end. amy: talk about what this means for the future of native americans and for this issue of sovereignty, how the story of baby o, as you point outcome, is so much bigger and why these right wing foundations and funders are so concerned about taking this act down. >> absolutely. i think we can see what their interests are by the

democratic party that doesn't exist anymore, you could sort of see the new republican party, the goldwater party formed then after the 1948 election. >> you know, the democratic party and the republican party of his day, neither of them are the same today. so things have changed. what was his education? you're right that there were gaps. and where did those gaps reveal themselves? what were the consequences from that when his life went on? >> he really wasn't autodidact and he read and read and read. he didn't always read the way we would read it, but he read it with extraordinary interest. i found one letter from the middle of the korean war. then he was discussing a battle on ancient greece and he couldn't stop. he was deeply engaged by the presidency. former presidents fascinated him, and he would write about hearing the ghost of andrew johnson walking through the white house. it was very moving. he felt that he was part of this. he also felt that he was separate from this. he would say that i try to remember that i am harry truman, and the person sitting in this chair could be the pres

. >> the republican on republican cage matches come nearly 24 hours after arizona, home of barry goldwater john mccain, said no thank you to the well groomed maga heiress, kari lake. her loss was the third of the four state-wide races for republicans and stand as a stubborn reminder that the mega maga party just ain't working, at least in arizona, which has reaffirmed its rejection of trump continuously. in a few hours, the leader of the faltering party, donald trump, is set to look that failure in the face and say, please, sir, may i have some more? trump is expected to announce his third run for president from mar-a-lago where he stashed all those classified documents. earlier today, he was greeted by this banner, look at that. which reads, you lost again, donald. desantis, 2024. joining me now is congressman ro khanna of california, and charlie sykes, editor at large for the bulwark. it's so bad that liz cheney is tweeting redrum tweets, renuking kari lake for losing. she's trolling and she didn't even win her re-election. that's how confident she feels that the maga movement is battere

and this happened to gold ward barry goldwater as well. and he decides to sue and he won. i know that he won for defamation. i did not know that he won a million. wow. and i left to look that up. i didn't know that. good for him. i'm thinking, why can't donald trump do the same with this terrible documentary that they have? well, i think his first choice is to get elected president. very good revenge. i think that that the idea of these armchair psychiatrists in going after trump is absurd. the guy is silly. generous. he's different from anybody else. and look at his achievements and understand that he's not a guy. on the other hand, i felt that eric trump had said it best when he said, my dad is a blue collar billionaire. he is really true. yeah. the only other thing. my sister asked me to ask you this question. she watches tucker carlson all the time, like we all do. and there's an article. tucker carlson plays russian puppet. so my sister feels and i do, too, that you don't want to antagonize putin. you know, you don't want to press this button. okay. you don't want to