you were identified as a sort of goldwater republican at a time when barry goldwater, from arizona, wasright—winger. i don't know how extreme he was, but he was a fiscal conservative, and i think had a libertarian touch. when my husband and i were living in the phoenix, arizona area, which we did for 25 years, he was our friend and neighbour. was it always difficult for you as a woman? because from the very beginning you were sort of pioneering, you were going places women hadn't been before. i came along at the very time that conditions were changing for women in the workplace in the united states, and probably in great britain as well. you know, in world war ii, many of the men, if not most, were pulled off into military service and women went to work in large numbers, and they discovered that not only could they do jobs reasonably well, they rather enjoyed it. and when, at the end of the war, the men came back and wanted theirjobs back, women wanted to continue to work too. and that was the start of a change in our country. there was legislation at the national level and in most stat

but the disastrous failure, barry goldwater in the presidential campaign of 1964, and which goldwater was the unsuccessful republican running against lyndon johnson, gave nixon the opportunity to revive his career. and in 1968, he was back again, won the republican nomination, and then won the election of that fall against the democratic candidate, hubert. and by then, of course, the vietnam war was in full swing. this was the election in which johnson, although he'd been entitled to run, had withdrawn from the race after the tet offensive and after he'd been challenged inside the democratic primaries by gene mccarthy and by robert kennedy. so nixon comes into the white house, inaugurated in. 1969. now, kissinger was the man he chose to be. his national security adviser. kissinger had been born ten years later than nixon. he was born in 1923, and he was born and raised in germany, loved not playing soccer as a kid. very very good in school, but was jewish. his family were jewish. and so as the nazi persecution, the german jewish community escalated in the 1930s, the family eventually

that drove the story of you and barry goldwater. everybody talks about him as mr. conservative. it is such a great example of how people can work together in the national interest. >> this book is 11 honest men and one of the best congressional staffs ever assembled. thank you. >> i guess i would just say that i think it is really important to remember when things actually work right and when there are good people involved in government just so that we can compare and contrast against today. it is important to remember that it does not always have to be like it is right now. >> all good points. thank you so much for speaking tonight. everyone's perspectives and experiences have been important for all of us to learn from. for all of us to learn from. interesting, if you have a chance to read it. thank you to the audience as well. we look forward to seeing you at future press club events. if you have not found the book yet, i highly recommend it. there will be some signings outside and thank you for taking the time. good night. >>> a healthy democracy does not just look like this.

and goldwater in goldwater's defeat mansfield says we need to lift republicans up we to find a way tomake them relevant again in the senate and in the country. so later on, when the debate is raging, the voting rights act, again, a filibuster by southern democrats to oppose the voting rights act. all the meetings are taking place in dirksen's office. he's the one that's on tv every night. he's the one that's responding to reporters questions. he has the daily updates on how the negotiations are going on the legislation. one of mansfield's aides comes to him and says, boss the natives are getting restless meaning. the democratic caucus is restless that dirksen's getting all of this attention. mansfield says no, we're not going to. he said, could we at least once in a while have a meeting in? the majority leader's office? mansfield says, no, we're not going to do that. it's really important to the country to see a republican leader talking about voting rights. and we're going to, you know, keep right out, keep him right out there on the on the cutting edge of this debate in the country.

and goldwater in goldwater's defeat mansfield says we need to lift republicans up we to find a way tomake them relevant again in the senate and in the country. so later on, when the debate is raging, the voting rights act, again, a filibuster by southern democrats to oppose the voting rights act. all the meetings are taking place in dirksen's office. he's the one that's on tv every night. he's the one that's responding to reporters questions. he has the daily updates on how the negotiations are going on the legislation. one of mansfield's aides comes to him and says, boss the natives are getting restless meaning. the democratic caucus is restless that dirksen's getting all of this attention. mansfield says no, we're not going to. he said, could we at least once in a while have a meeting in? the majority leader's office? mansfield says, no, we're not going to do that. it's really important to the country to see a republican leader talking about voting rights. and we're going to, you know, keep right out, keep him right out there on the on the cutting edge of this debate in the country.

just because, like everyone talks about, barry goldwater is like, you know, mr.ative. i mean, this is such a great example of how people can work together in the greater national interest interest. my title of this book is honest man and one of the best congressional staff is ever assembled. thank you. i guess i would just say that i think it's really important to remember when things actually work right. and when there are good people involved in government, just so we can compare and contrast against and it's important remember that it doesn't always have to be like it is now. all good points. thank you so much for speech tonight. everyone's perspectives, experiences has been really important for all of us to learn from and the book itself is very interesting if you have a chance to read it. i wanted to say thank you to our audience as well. we look forward to seeing a future national press club events and if you haven't gotten the book yet, highly recommend it. they will have some signings outside and thank you for taking the time to meet.

the anti status goldwater and the racialized state status.wallace right and goldwater was a little principle, i think you could argue and is on ideology. so yeah, so and i think factor continues to resonate. it's right up to today, right up to donald trump. yeah. the great yeah. no. oh, there's just the one thing that illustrates this better. anything else is a kind of. factor like something i unearthed. and that was after civil rights excuse me, after voting rights act was passed in 1965, the christian leadership conference organized is a big student run voter registration drive called scope. and they run they try to register people and and then finally, the fall of martin luther, lieutenant williams is trying to figure out why counties have really high registration numbers and other counties don't is like, well, this county has a really good organizers but they have low this county is really oppressive they have high numbers. they can't figure it out. it's like, why what's going on. and so he keeps running the numbers, running the numbers.

the anti status goldwater and the racialized state status.wallace right and goldwater was a little principle, i think you could argue and is on ideology. so yeah, so and i think factor continues to resonate. it's right up to today, right up to donald trump. yeah. the great yeah. no. oh, there's just the one thing that illustrates this better. anything else is a kind of. factor like something i unearthed. and that was after civil rights excuse me, after voting rights act was passed in 1965, the christian leadership conference organized is a big student run voter registration drive called scope. and they run they try to register people and and then finally, the fall of martin luther, lieutenant williams is trying to figure out why counties have really high registration numbers and other counties don't is like, well, this county has a really good organizers but they have low this county is really oppressive they have high numbers. they can't figure it out. it's like, why what's going on. and so he keeps running the numbers, running the numbers.

republican party really kind of discredited across the board, goldwater's defeat.mansfield says we need to lift these republicans up. we need to find a way to make them relevant again in the senate and in the country. so later on when debate is raging over the voting rights act, filibustered by southern democrats to oppose the voting rights act all the meetings are taking place in dirksen's office, he's the one that is on tv every night, the wonders responding to reporters questions. he has the daily updates on how negotiations are going on the legislation. one of mansfield's aids comes to him and says boss, the natives are getting restless, meaning the democratic caucus is getting restless and dirksen is getting out of this attention, mansfield says once in a while we can have a meeting in the majority leader's office, mansfield says no, we are not going to do that. it is really important to the country to see a republican leader talking about voting rights and we will keep him right out there on the cutting edge of this debate in the country and smart psychology,

interestingly enough not barry goldwater everyone figured be the republican presidential benomination november, it wod be the presidential candidate 19624 against johnson. dirksen was quoted in his final speech bring the civil rights act to a climax the debate to a climax he quoted victor hugo are stronger than all of the armies is an idea whose time has come. now people have gone back and trying to find that exact quote he did not really safe that way. one historian has argued he improved on victor hugo. all of the democratic note votes as i mentioned earlier or alluded to came from the states of the confederacy prompting lyndon johnson to famously say to bill moyer democrats up off the south for a generation. my prediction has decidedly been too optimistic. dirksen deserves great credit for the legislation passing. at a time when i said there's great turmoil in the country about this legislation got pushed back in montana. there are letters in the file of constituent then why are you pushing so hard to the civil rights issue is not something we need to be concerned about in montana.

and becomes one of the most effective spokespeople for what he calls a goldwater view of economics. >> host: that was quite a radical thesis at the time, wasn't it? i mean you take a look at the dominant keynesian models that were there at the time, the dominant paradigms in economics, and what's shocking at least to a modern audience and especially to noneconomists is how little a role money played in our understanding of the economy before friedman and schwartz really came along and made it a big deal in their book. is it fair to say this influence his influence and her influence has lasted today and still influences us? >> guest: yeah, absolutely and i think a lot of what friedman and schwartz proposed seemed outlandish and today seems common sense. when they were writing the book monetary policy was often said to be pushing on a string. it didn't have any purchase in the economy or money was kind of a failed the late over actual economic activity. their argument is subtle because they are basically saying it is true that the fundamentals ofha economic growth and activity have to

one of the politicians who becomes very in this idea is senator barry goldwater, who's mounting a run. the president in 1964. so the first moment comes with the publication of this book and it's broad discussion and then friedman signs on as an advisor to goldwater and becomes one of the most effective spokespeople for what he calls a goldwater view of economics. i mean, that was quite a radical thesis at the time, wasn't it? i mean you take a look at the dominant keynesian models that were there at the time, the dominant paradigms in economics and. what's shocking, at least to a modern audience think and especially to non economists, is how little a role money play in our understanding of the economy before and schwartz really came along and made it a big deal their book and is it fair to say that this influence his influence and her influence has lasted to today and still influences us. yeah and i think a lot of what and schwartz proposed seemed outlandish and today seems common sense. you know, when they were writing the book, monetary policy was often said, be pushing on a string.

she was given an offer to be a legal secretary, and she raised her children and was active in the goldwateral connections and that brought her to the attention of reagan. >> as the ceremony is about to begin. michael, things were so different in so many ways, how reagan went about finding her and deciding it would be her. and then, michael, the confirmation for her, 99-0, to quote dylan, was in another lifetime so it seems. >> yeah, dylan was not thinking about this, but that's it, ronald reagan, when he chose her, he harkened back -- i don't think he did it for this reason, but some of the early founders hoped the supreme court would have politicians on it, people who had run for office, and knew public opinion and knew how to form coalitions, and when dwight eisenhower appointed a justice, he picked earl warren, and that brought together the ruling for brown versus the board of education. that was another way that sandra day o'conner was a welcomed throwback to that earlier period, just as melissa was saying, she served in the state legislature, and she felt comfortable thinking for herse

one of the politicians who becomes very in this idea is senator barry goldwater, who's mounting a run. the president in 1964. so the first moment comes with the publication of this book and it's broad discussion and then friedman signs on as an advisor to goldwater and becomes one of the most effective spokespeople for what he calls a goldwater view of economics. i mean, that was quite a radical thesis at the time, wasn't it? i mean you take a look at the dominant keynesian models that were there at the time, the dominant paradigms in economics and. what's shocking, at least to a modern audience think and especially to non economists, is how little a role money play in our understanding of the economy before and schwartz really came along and made it a big deal their book and is it fair to say that this influence his influence and her influence has lasted to today and still influences us. yeah and i think a lot of what and schwartz proposed seemed outlandish and today seems common sense. you know, when they were writing the book, monetary policy was often said, be pushing on a string.

barry goldwater. >> yeah. >> gerald ford. >> yet. >> ronald reagan. and first president bush. >> writes, and the first president bush can make a strong argument, his battles with the nra, after a shooting which involved in ak-47 style rifle, and stockton, cost him. that's one of the reasons he lost to bill clinton. >> this was in 1989, a school shooting. >> yes. >> how did the issue become so polarized? you also talk about democrats who were pretty pro-gun, including then speaker of the house tom foley. who, you know, in 1994, he lost his own seat as part of the republican wave. he was the first speaker to lose his own seat since the civil war. and a part of spokane washington, eastern part of washington state. at the time there was overlap among republicans who are in favor of gun control and the democrats who actually were pretty pro-gun rights. what happened in the intervening 30 years? how did it become as hyper partisan iced as it is now? >> i think that is the last third of our book, goes into great detail on all of this. but you have an object,

barry goldwater, gerald ford, ronald reagan, and first president bush. >> right, and the first president bush, i think you can make a strong argument that he -- his battles with the nra after a shooting which involved an ak-47 style rifle in stockton, cost him -- that is one of the reasons he lost to bill clinton. >> and this was an 1989 school shooting. but how did the issue specifically become so polarized? as you also talk about democrats who were pretty pro-gun, including then speaker of the house tom foley, who in 1994, foley was -- lost his own seat as part of the republican wave point he was the first speaker to lose his own seat since the civil war. and foley it was from spokane, washington, very eastern washington state. so, at the time, there was clearly overlap among republicans who were in favor of gun control and democrats who actually were pretty pro- gun rights. what happened in the intervening 30 years and how did it become as kind of hyper partisan iced as it is now? >> well, i think that is the last third of our book goes into great detail on all this, but you have an o

hardly at all it seems by one of hoover's newest and myers, barry goldwater.torians are findi today. so to i'm finding less sensationalized voices reinventing restraint in a late cold war chronic interventionism. of course he was a beloved figure until his death in 1964 he was constantly being asked to giveic a keynote. he accommodated for those sympathetic to the efforts behind-the-scenes as well as the limelight and sometimes he was too much. this was the opinion of the former world war i that he was too kind compromising and understanding while he was in the refusal of some to cut down the cold war state which many saul is dating back to the new deal, he was more philosophical about about to see the problems and diagnose the painful solutions. he read this to another third party and told them this is what he said. this is in the 60s a year or two before hoover passed away. he said there were too few people who knew as much and had seen as much as one could imagine world war i and earlier. staring across the long war or towards these issues and threats we've

this strand of republicanism and then gradually become more and more isolated in his party as barry goldwaterwon the nomination and conservatives took over the party and his own presidential campaign was sort of derailed by a gap that was also, you know, him being attacked by the right for his position on vietnam. and so i think that mitt probably '80s and '990s, he didn't really identify9 with the reagan wing of the party which was, youyo know, a succession -- secession from barry goldwater. but once he got into republican politics, that's kind of the only wing of the party you could be in, right in so while he was governor of massachusetts, he governede as kind of a moderat, pro-business republican. once he got out of massachusetts andou was running for president nationally, he sort of felt he had no choice but to reinvent his persona as this kind of reaganite conservative. and it's the not that he consciously decided i'm going to adopt a bunch of positions i don't really believe in and, you know, pretend i'm a totally different person, it just kind of happens, you know? he said there were

really identify with the reagan wing of the party, which was, you know, a succession from barry goldwater. but once he got into republican politics, that's kind of the only wing of the party you could be in. right. and so while he was as governor of massachusetts, he he governed as kind of a moderate, pro-business republican. once he got out of massachusetts and was running for president nationally, he sort of felt he had no choice but to reinvent his persona as this kind of reaganite conservative and it's not that he consciously decided, i'm going to adopt a bunch of positions i don't really believe in. and, you know, pretend i'm a totally different person. it just kind of happened, you know, he said there were there were a couple issues that, you know, he he very consciously flipped on. abortion was one of them. but but for the most part, he he told me that he would get on these stages to speak, to conserve it of voters. and he thought when he first started running for president that he could make his campaign about the things he cared about. right. i'm going to talk about fiscal discip

barry goldwater began courting hoover as a mentor in the forties and fifties. hoover's ties thickened conservative businessmen and media figures, too, which we shouldn't forget. like the utility executive bill melander here on the bottom left and, the journalist suzanne lafollette doing such connections. hoover's cold war influence would grow through the fifties and sixties. globally. hoover's reach was a bit more mixed. i think the picture is. in a world upset by world war two and the cold war restraint, difficult to impose. hoover strongest connections were with the republic of china's chiang kai shek and other conservative and moderate anti-communist elites and citizens. through his new ties, the u.s. state congress, private lobbies like the china and japan, lobbies. hoover, though, did work to influence u.s. policy, as he did in europe during the marshall plan negotiations, which he did after his famoutr to postwar europe, which is pictured here in the bottom left. as for the decolonizing th world and the communist world, however, hoover wasodest in then, i

barry goldwater beginnd courting hoover as as a mentn the '40s and 50s.r's tied second with conservative businessmen and media figures which we shouldn't forget like you to executive bill pictured here in a bottom left of the journalist suzanne. there were such connections hoover's cold war influence would grow through the '50s and 60s. globally, hoover's reach was a bit more mixed i think the picture is. and were upset by world war ii and the cold war, restraint was difficult to impose. hoover's strongest connection or with theh republican china's chiang kai-shek and other conservative and moderate anti-communist elites and citizens. to his new ties with the u.s. state, conquers and private lobbies like the china and japan lobbies, hoover though did work to influence u.s. policy as he did in europe during the marshall plan negotiations, which you did f a his famous trip which is pictured here in the bot left. as for the decolonizing third world and economies s rule, however, hoover was more distant than in his early days, but ver entirely as he endorsed

barry goldwater going back to the 19'6" 0s was going to push the elderly off of cliffs and bring the american people to nuclear war and destroy the american planet. psychiatrists coming out and signing an article that they put in "time" magazine saying he is setter finably insane without ever diagnosed him or met with him political violence. when you worry about the dictatorship is potentially coming, that is the risk. >> laura: by any means necessary keep the dictator out of power. that would be our duty as americans correct, byron? >> this is made worse by the particular weakness of joe biden. look at all of the polls. he is under water in everything. the american people disapprove of everything is he doing. the economy being the most important thing. and huge majorities believe he's too old for a second term. so if you are joe biden's campaign manager. if you are running the democratic party. what are you going to do? >> laura: you are willing to burn it all down. they are willing to burn it all down to stop him from becoming president. >> about the threat of maga. >> laura: do yo

well, that's complicated question it's a good question, but a complicated but reference to barry goldwater, that's why he hated it. he thought it was. and he said any any good gun owner is going to bring down a deer with one shot with a big rifle. and that's you know what, amanda does or whatever. but that is the ar 15 because it's small caliber, high velocity. that's again, this goes into the injuries that are caused that it can cause and why it was useful and in war but it it's pointless to hunt with it there are people now you can swap in larger caliber elements to make the rifle fire larger caliber weapon of a larger caliber bullets. so it can be used for hunting. most certainly traditional did not. i'll just add one quick anecdote, so zocchi interviewed some of the early gun gun producers of the air 15 and they would go to gun shows. they would go to the narration and set up their little table, their military style rifles and would come by, give them the finger and say, get that out of here. i don't want to see. so there was a lot of hostility from the gun industry initially to the ai