tallinn's nordic lutheran culture and language connect it with stockholm and helsinki, but two centuriesist russian rule and nearly 50 years as part of the soviet union have blended in a distinctly russian flavor. fins and estonians share a similar history. first, swedish domination, then russian. then independence after world war i. until 1940, the estonians were about as affluent as the fins, but then estonia was gobbled up by an expanding soviet empire and spent the decades after world war ii under communism. when the ussr fell, estonia regained its freedom, and in 2004, it joined the european union. tallinn has modernized at an astounding rate since the fall of the soviet union. its business district shines with the same glass and steel gleam you'll find in any modern city. yet nearby are the rugged and fully intact medieval walls, and the town within these ramparts has a beautifully preserved old-world ambiance. among medieval cities in the north of europe, none are as well preserved as tallinn. the town hall square was a marketplace through the centuries. its fine old buildings are

all that principles including all ten principles of helsinki were related in several occasions.that's why this is not, this is not that you may justify other relations because somebody related. this is the other story. but that's why that it means that you can say that this is -- you may do this, but the other side cannot do this. that's why what we mean when i started to say we need discussion about, open discussion about international community about what international principles we are speaking. and about what implementation of such principles. if we speak about rights of, over, inviolability over borders or -- >> sovereignty. >> -- sovereignty, we have to agree between us what mean. we cannot use these principles in one region or in one country and don't use in the other. that's why all this exactly what we see that we need such a discussion, serious discussion on political level. i think that next year we have very important anniversaries; the anniversary of u.n., of united nations, 17 years, we have 40th anniversary of helsinki final act. it means this is when we -- i thin

and during cold war we signed helsinki agreement at highest level. with 10 principles. that's what i think if somebody says today, it's more difficult than it was at that moment, this is only through work and only through cover and capacity of people i'm sure it is possible. i'm sure it is possible. the other example which i can give you is that after the work in yugoslavia, then nato bombed yugoslavia. in two years we agreed between russia and nato, creation of nato and russian country. if you read the statement, it was verified by all nato countries and by russia. and we agreed in principle also how to cooperate between nato and russia. unfortunately, we failed with that calculation later, but we agreed in principle. that's what it is possible. we may think it is not, how to implement this. this is everyday job. >> question down in the front. >> thank you. iran from afghanistan and here i'm at rome sealed foundation. my question is, minister, how do you assess the security situation in the region? when the nato combat operation ends the end of this year. while we clea

out in conjunction with his participation at the eighth world festival of youth and .tudents in helsinki, finland one of his fitness reports, the one in 1962, is really interesting, indicating that he was the case officer for not one but two different hemisphere-wide student and teacher organizations engaged in political action propaganda and intelligence collection. items that jim last miss put forward -- that jim azeris and forward -- that jim toarus put forward is determine if he was the greek case officer involved in these activities. next slide, finally, let me close with this observation on the warren commission 50 years out -- we began with a cover-up by the warren commission, as lyndon johnson used a threat of world war iii as a battering ram and use the commission. it was not a difficult endeavor. i believe it is no longer .onjecture, but it is a fact 12 years later, the house select committee and other committees of congress and senate had begun opening the doors of the truth. their collective works have helped confirm what most people had long suspected -- the murder of presid

this is a crazy idea if we're going to have any kind of support for the helsinki process, any kind of opposition of the soviet union on political grounds. we can't abandon the support for democracy. he said there's a better way to do it than going around and harassing individual governments and that is to work on systemic change. so we produced a memo. and gave it to the deputy secretary judge clark, a very inegg mat k man. never said much. but he took it. he must have taken it to his best friend the president of the united states. came back a couple of weeks later saying we want to keep the bureau. help me with some people who can run it. i think it was a good institution that was important to save. when george marshall became secretary of state, he both created the policy planning staff as a way to produce planning. and he did something that tends to neutral lies the policy planning staff which forgive me for saying this. it's the state secretary. they see it as their job to protect the secretary for uncoordinated recommendations hence the idea of private advice to the secretary bec

during the cold war we signed helsinki agreement on the highest level. with the ten principles. that's why i think if somebody says today's more difficult than it was at that moment, this is only to avoid from the work and only to cover incapacity of the people to -- i am sure that it is possible. i am sure that it is possible. the other example which i can give you is that after the war in yugoslavia, the nato bombed yugoslavia. in two years we agreed between russia and nato, create of russia/nato council. if you read the statement, it was ratified by only two countries and by russia and we agreed principles, also, lou to cooperate between nato and russia. unfortunately, we failed with that cooperation later but we agreed to principles. that's why it is possible. the main thing is not agree principle. the main thing to agree how to apply, how to implement the pribpri principles. this is the every day not, not just to sign beautiful documents. >> i'm from afghanistan and here at rumsfeld foundation. my question is, minister, how do you assess the security situation in the region

russia's annexation of crimea and incursions into eastern ukraine constitute clear breaches of the helsinkifinal act and they are not, of course, excused by earlier western breaches of these rules. yet, when looking for accommodation and a basis for future peace, i think we would do well to remember that the west wants containment as necessary in the face of a soviet union bent on expansion. in today's russia many feel a need for containment of the north atlantic alliance that has crept ever closer to russia and that conducts daily naval operations in the black sea. not only north atlantic, but in the black sea. if russia, as i think and many think it is naive of me, is seeking containment and respect rather than imperial expansion, there will be many common interests that can and need be pursued even though a continued authoritarian order in russia will naturally set some limits on the proximity that we'll have. a resumption of serious work on arms control and disarmament is one such common interest, and rose will tell us our possibilities and problems. one major point on her current agend