invested in florida in the early 1880s because another of his neighbors on fifth avenue in new york was henry b. plant a railroad builder in the south, who was building a railroad line down to tampa on the west coast of florida. and flagler invested some money in plans enterprises. later on when both flagler and plant were very active in florida, they essentially divided the state rather than compete with each other. plant to the west coast and flagler of the east coast. and they both build railroads. they both build hotels. they were friendly competitors. when flagler decided to build the hotel ponce de leon to begin his florida enterprises, he realized that the industrial commercial revolution had credit a large class of wealthy people, and also of upper-middle-class people, people who could take the time and who had the money to come to florida in the winter time, and thus he said what would they want? well, they would want a modern hotel, one that had electricity that had modern bathrooms, one that had an excellent up-to-date kitchen and dining room that had steam heat, that had elevators,

progress that we've made has come because you've had a spectrum of people like... like my mother, like henry b gonzález in congress at that time, like folks who have been pioneers in the boardrooms of america. and so you know, there is a place for all of that, but as long as, you know, it's marching in the same direction. >> hinojosa: there is a pretty fascinating statistic that is only, i think, now that the census is going to be, you know, releasing more and more information, every 60 seconds a latino turns 18 in the united states of america. that's... i mean, i always repeat it so that people can try and be like, "what?" so every 60 seconds, a latino turns 18. and so when you're talking about voting power, that's what you're looking at, right? you're also, i mean, again, being a politician, you're thinking, "look, if i can lock in that generation that sees me as a leader," just to vote, it means something for you politically, it means something for our country, but that's... i mean, talk about when you... when you hear that statistic. >> oh, i mean, that statistic is just indicative of the

. >> one was and i come b - tothe cultural tradition. we have henrywriting a scathing review of walt whitman. now he came to regret that. >> rose: whitman survived it. >> whitman survived. of course the nation at a different point tracks the arc of liberalism. the greatest historian writes about that. the naig was part of the new york post from 1881 to 19, into the early -- >> rose: there's also people like christopher hitchens who came. >> so we have rick pearlstein the historian has a piece about those who came to the nation has left it and who left it as appear states. christopher hitchens was but you had ronald and david horowitz. christopher left. the nation pages were open to him. we were ready as i said for a brawl, fight, civil uncivil debates. but he left, former socialist but left saying they had become amoral because of the unwillingness to hitch its star to the coming war in iraq. christopher was, you know, but there was a black and white charlie, to that and i think part of the nation's strength i would argue is that it's for people who u

b anthony, harriet beacher stowe, anna dickenson and so on. all of them were working for his cause but he refused to see them. so, bart.got her friend, senator henry wilson to lobby for her and in the end general ethan allen hitchcock, who was in charge of prisoners approved the project. she got her lists published in the newspapers through some connections and cronies that she had there and she had them published in all the major papers of new york, philadelphia, boston and new orleans and charleston. she had a little office for a while at man nap poe his where the returning prisoners were coming in but later moved the operation, if that's what you could call this to her rooms on 7th street. she always hoped that the military would officially take on the project and give her a proper office and some staff you for a variety of reasons, that never happened. some of this had to do with red tape, some of it had to do with personality, some had to do with resistance of -- for having a woman, any woman, even clara barton sitting in the male precinct of the war department n the end, she not only virtually did the job by herself, but paid for it. she had

b anthony, harriet beacher stowe, anna dickenson and so on. all of them were working for his cause but he refused to see them. so, bart.got her friend, senator henry wilson to lobby for her and in the end general ethan allen hitchcock, who was in charge of prisoners approved the project. she got her lists published in the newspapers through some connections and cronies that she had there and she had them published in all the major papers of new york, philadelphia, boston and new orleans and charleston. she had a little office for a while at man nap poe his where the returning prisoners were coming in but later moved the operation, if that's what you could call this to her rooms on 7th street. she always hoped that the military would officially take on the project and give her a proper office and some staff you for a variety of reasons, that never happened. some of this had to do with red tape, some of it had to do with personality, some had to do with resistance of -- for having a woman, any woman, even clara barton sitting in the male precinct of the war department n the end, she not only virtually did the job by herself, but paid for it. she had