a are we going toward institution? do you want a senate where leaders work together or where they don't work together? is it going to be more like the house? there are all kinds of questions. would you like to have a senate that worked for a bipartisan basis or are we going to a majority. institution? do you want a senate where leaders work together or they do not work together. is it going to be more like the house? there are all kinds of questions. i take the point that it is different and you have to model off something. >> i think the political science for the time you are explaining is textbook congress. i am of somewhat of a different generation. i'm inclined to think that time was an aberration. and since the early 1980's as i was saying earlier, the rise in political competition for control of the senate, i think it has come to affect the environment in which the senate works. part of what made it possible for there to be bipartisan and collaborative legislating in the middle part of the 20th century was the pe

institutions. in the early 1960s, they were all white. it was an all white board of trustees. the governor of the state, john patterson, was the ex-chairman of the board. these black institutions got their operating funds from these legislatures that were fervent segregationists, all deeply committed to segregation, and the white power structure typically put into place black educators that would tow the segregationist line and would certainly, certainly suppress rebellion on campus. that was the expectation. and trapped by dependency for financing and other essential resources, these black college presidents did tow the line. they were in a very interesting position. on the one hand, they were privileged. they knew very important people. they knew very wealthy people. they knew sometimes very familiarly white leaders in their region, had a position few black people had. after all, the careers of their students, the careers of their faculty members were in their hands. the black presidents of these

it was a reactionary institution before lbj. he made incredible difference, with his force of nature, incredible energy. he used all the power he could to overcome what the senate had been before because before lbj the senate was dominated by southern committee elite chairmen, and described as the only place where the south did not lose the civil war. the south's unending revenge upon the north forg gettysburg. so johnson did everything he could in caro's book, describes it, how he got the first civil rights act through. a modest measure but it was the first. johnson wore out his welcome in the senate quickly actually. people got tired of his overbearing nature. they were tired of him. when he accepted the vice presidency from president john kennedy, people were surprised. johnson thought it was the only way to ever become president for a southerner, but also knew his days in the senate had passed. louis gould wrote for the senate lyndon johnson was a noisy summer storm that rattled the windows of the upper chamber and then move

he spoke to the brookings institution. mr. galston: let me try to call this full house to order, if i may. welcome to brookings. my name is bill galston, senior fellow in governance studies. thanks so much for coming and welcome also to the people who are watching this event live on cspan. today's topic is the past, the present, and possible future of the u.s. senate. the occasion of this discussion is the publication of ira shapiro's second book on the senate, this is titled kwoek can thed, "broken: senate save itself and the country?" those of you that read his first book on the senate will know how passionately he reveres the senate as an institution and will not be surprised to learn how distressed he is by what he describes as its precipitous decline. this topic could not be more timely. we are just days from the expiration of another short term continuing budget resolution, and perhaps even more pertinently from a promised open senate debate on u.s. immigration policy. will the promise be kept? and if it is, will today's

which isn't a financial institution but i.b.m. powers some of the technology on the enterprise level that runs some of the world's biggest financial institutions that was a big deal because i.b.m. had been in the space for a while using what we call non trip a currency applications a block chain which is moving value around in other ways storing data in a distributed way but not necessarily using an actual crypto currency i.b.m. and stellar last year publicly talking about the potential use of lumen was it was a big deal and i think that it's sort of indicative of the fact that it's not just financial institutions that are starting to become increasingly comfortable talking about crypto currency in public but technology companies as well are we could talk michael for a long time but we are running out of time i promised our viewers at the beginning of the show that i wanted to i was going to ask you about the biggest thing out there in this space that we don't know and maybe you'll have to do so. but you haven't written about ther

smaller institutions. public banks offer something in that they can integrate a business plan and a mission that's consistent with city social policy goals and providing services to the underserved communities and that the primary goal of the city would not be maximizing profits although it would have to be profitable to continue to function, but the focus could be different. risks or limitations associated with that, it's heavy start up, there is no question and you already addressed that in the committee that this is not a minor thing to take on. and of course there's the risk of failure. but i'll address some counterpoints to that a little later. and finally i want to point out, there are city funded community developments, i think supervisor stefani, you mentioned the county clerk program but there are other services in the city for banking services for first time home buyers, school teachers, technical assistance to small businesses, so there are services in place, it's not a lot of money compared to

hate the institution they are serving and now. tries to change it and they will, if can constitutional crisis we think, i will see familiar faces step up and some unexcited hero. in our country's first power in our political system guarantees that our lead will always be difficult but it should not be possible. the lubricants base engagement, and work hard to explore the possibilities of common ground. that is good faith not one year out of ten years, not when the leader feels like engaging, we need people who don't make everything a political calculation and people that actually put the country first. i stopped. i've used two minutes more of my time and will have the discussion. thank you. [applause] good morning everyone. for someone to think and ira for inviting and to provide thoughts on ira's book. as a book on the senate on my own warning in frustrating it can be to spend ira has mulling over the institution and, ira, and speak about it today. for those of you who haven't had a chance to read this book i recommend it as a ri

luetkemeyer, the chairman of the financial institutions subcommittee. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman from missouri is recognized for three minutes. mr. luetkemeyer: thank you, mr. speaker. thank you, chairman hensarling. i'd say the current regulate climate presents challenges to financial institutions would be drastic understatement. today they require more and -- the community gentleman from utah seeks to relieve some of these pressures. they confront unique challenges with regard to capital formation which is a particular concern at time when regulators demand more and more capital. understanding these challenges, the fed has recognized that small banks have limited access to equity financing. the federal reserve small bank holding policy statement gives relief from certain capital guidelines and requirements, making it easier for a community bank to raise capital and issue debt and to make acquisitions and form new bank and thrift holding companies. i'd like to digress for a second here. i think it's very important, mr. speaker that we talk

that is a location within an institutional order. the assumption was that loyalty to the senate or the house or whatever institution you were in would tug against loyalty to the president and the president's program. that's the classic madisonion conception. then woodrow wilson came along, you know, with his palpable envy for the british parliamentary system and put on the table the idea of a more parliamentary constitutional system in the united states. and political scientists in the united states have taken up this cry from time to time. there was a famous committee of the american political science association which produced a report called "toward a more responsible two party system" what they meant by responsible was ideological clear and distinguishable. another case, beware of what you wish for because we now have in effect two homogennous parties. and the senate has been perhaps the major casualty of the movement away from deliberation and towards party unity and responsiveness to the institutional leader and the president,

institution's historic losses as an indicator of possible future losses. now, earlier, the ranking member injected an example of asking about our credit scores. so i think it's worth repeating or elaborating. imagine if i go to a bank for a mortgage loan and ask me for my credit score and i told them they couldn't look at my past financial behavior in order to decide whether or not they are going to give me the loan. when you talk about common sense for good regulation, we all know the answer to that question, mr. speaker. this bill would effectively do just that to our regulators. instead of a credit score which determines credit worthyness, operational risk determines the risk of loss resulting from inadequate or failed internal processes, people and systems. i would tell our regulators, when determining the appropriate level of capital, a financial institution needs to hold against operational risk, you cannot look at an institution's past losses especially if they got out of their business. mr. speaker, i think this is common sense. whether you are a b

we have managed the transition from the formal institutions to more flexible and practical approaches. better than people think. on climate, proliferation, trade, things like managing the outcome of the global economic crisis and making sure the recession did not turn into a global depression, this has worked better than people think. finally, trump himself has not been able to do that level of damage that he threatened to do on the campaign trail because he found himself constrained by congress, his own national security team, and sometimes reality. host: we have got about 25 minutes to unpack it. us, aullivan is with senior fellow at the endowment for international peace, former nationalist -- national security adviser to vice president biden, served in the obama administration is director of policy planning at the state department, and he penned "the world after trump" in the latest issue of foreign affairs. -- as folks are calling in, i want to point to another part of your essay. you specifically say the world order can survive one term of trump, but you go on to say president tr

the brookings institution look at u.s. nuclear capabilities and modernization efforts and after that, a look at the government oversight role in nationals eerily. -- national security. bus thats the c-span the capitalist tour. hudson will be our guest starting at 9:00 p.m. eastern. trump meet with law enforcement officials and members of his cabinet to discuss immigration policy and combating the ms 13 gang. this discussion occurred as congress was negotiating a budget just to keep the

reported that people rate the justice system as the least trusted of the institutions that's a pretty shameful as it is it is there is a lot of concerns quality of root of all here as a young nation young democracy we are working hard to strengthen our institutions of rule of law in fact we didn't offer to judge our solve course of our citizens we offer international judges and prosecutors put to trial people but to do it in the country but just this week the representatives spoke about high level corruption cases here she said the fact that so many of these cases indeed without sentences or complications suggested that your track record was good enough to get visa liberalization which is something you so much want from the. true the corruption and the situation and fighting corruption it's not. somehow to the poor the how much we have the. on but we are aware of our challenges as a society in fact these are liberalization and there's not only more to politicians it's a war to those that are suffering when your europe we belong to wrap our destinies your up so i think punishing politi

and in institution after institution that i'm acquainted with, even when there are arguments put forward in the name of being a private organization, i know full well that in fact the life's blood of the aforementioned institution is coming from public funds. and i think that creates a serious contradiction. when we begin talking about exclusion and about discrimination. perhaps there is a fundamental problem in our society today that we've become such a complex and interdependent society that it is hard to disentangle the public and private. that public has become so pervasive and influence in what were private spheres, that increasingly we lose any sense of that distinction. that is a problem. but it is a separate problem. from the problem posed by people who will take public money, money extracted unwillingly from others and then turn and violate the fundamental cannons of the institution. that i find, best, deeply, deeply questionable and worthy of a lot of scrutiny. and at worst, i find it ominous for the future. that is not a society that i think lives up to the ideals of the ameri

the institution of the congress to oversee these institutions that have such an incredible risk is suchortant as well. there is a time for politics. in this area, i would agree with the caller. we need to try to rise above it. host: paula is calling in from pennsylvania on our republican line. >> good morning. say, as far as the politics is concerned, i agree. the politics should stay out of it. on the other hand. nuÑezid mean yes -- exposing corruption, it should be exposed. it should be exposed on both sides, not just one side. to the mediaion trying to make this something that it is not. i do not think that we should look at it in a political light. we should look at it with a bias in parts of our government. bias should not be directing people. jobsshould be doing their with integrity. if that is not happening, we need to know about it. we need to fix it. host: i want to give michael a chance to respond to that. >> i agree. about say a little bit this bias. it is not that the fbi is perfect. i am sure there are people who lean left or right. is very difficult to pull off a conspirac

our institution is measured by inclusion. we measure the success of the university based on how -- on who we include and how our students succeed. second, what did we actually do to benefit the public and lastly, and this is well articulated in our charter, the university will take responsibility for the outcomes of our community, economic, social, so if k12 is underperforming, we are partly to blame and we better look at it something that we are -- look at it as something we are responsible for. we changed the design of the university. most are run like public agencies, and archaic model that will never deliver what you want. they will not be able to become efficient or effective or largely increase their efficacy with some exceptions because the design is wrong. we went away from the agency model to the enterprise model. we are responsible for finding resources beyond those provided to us by the government. all universities do this but a fundamental design shift, we set out to design a different kind of university. we chang

what that means for the city, we're working now with much larger institutions. their focus is certainly national, international really in all cases. while san francisco is one of their markets, it's certainly not the focal point or key to their mission and business objectives. so back to the options and some of the benefits and limitations of each. the commercial banks and the ones that the city has been using have extensive service capable. they're highly capitalized and collateralized. it's a charter for additional depository institution such as commercial bank or industrial bank, the banks are required by state law, to get federal deposit insurance. the city of san francisco would be a shareholder in the bank. a credit union charter is a charter for stated credit union which members share a common bond, under this option san francisco would be a member of a credit union with other municipalities. an important note is credit unions are not required by state law to get federal deposit insurance, they can get private share insurance. the problem with both commer

all races i'm saying that the french institutions produce racism in france if you are perceived as an arab or as a black person you are twenty times more likely to be checked if you are a man than any any other category of the populations meaning that the police over controlling a category of the population and the police is an institution of a different from rick and you have several examples of institutions being having different ways of tweeting treat treating some people or because of their race i can also mention the fact that in france we should have overseas territories that used to be colonies and and now our friends you back in those departments you can use certain account of the sites and you can spread them over those territories which is bound in the french mainland so to me given the fact that those. islands and territories are mostly populated by people of color it's mean that you have a difference of treatment between a need of a friend people who live in the mainland who are mostly white and french people who live in those territories. just to pick up the point about t

we're working with 24 institutions in 12 cities with purview over $500 million in institutional food purchases. the good food purchasing program is a collective impact initiative. these are many of the partners at the national level and the local partners assembled here today who help expand the program nationally. i'll give you a quick overview of how the center supports institution. food service director approaches us and we perform a baseline evaluation to show them where their food dollars are going, how the purchases align with the set of standards and at the same time, a local multi-sector coalition mobilizes to ensure that the institution's priorities are also the community's priorities. with the support of the coalition, the center assists them with goal setting, incorporating metrics into policy and requests for proposals, and contracts and we measure the progress annually and evaluate successes. at the heart of the program is our standards, which i'll explain. we brought together leading experts from across the country in each of the five value categories. the standards whi

would we combine excellence and access into a single institution? academic excellence means you allow thundershow allow your faculty members who think well of themselves. if you call it a college or university, they'll believe themselves to be in a social hierarchy. if they're second class, soon they'll be unionized and organizing against you. that's the way it works. resources. we acquire resources not from the lord and master of the state government. the state government invests what they can. our other resources are acquired through partnerships and engagement in the market and engagement in the ideas and activities. access. at the university itself it's not accessible to the broadest cross section of society and it calls itself a public university, then it has not been successful. our student body is representative of the entire socio-economic diversity of our state and our region. it took 12 years of changes to be able to get there and we've been there for four years at that level of diversity. unbelievable changes. and then finally quality. if

what this is not is an indictment on her institutions our institutions, the fbi, the department of justice. it does not impede the robert mueller investigation or the deputy attorney general. the legitimate function of congress, its oversight to make sure the fisa process is being used correctly and if it wasn't, that needs to come to light and people need to be held accountable so that we do not have problems again. this does affect our civil liberties. chuck schumer and nancy pelosi have called on you to remove chairman nunez from his position on the intel committee. what is your response? speaker ryan: they are looking for a political distraction. tax cuts are working. isis is on the run. things are going well. economic confidence is at a 17 year high. devin nunes help shepherd through the reauthorization of 702. he is focusing on national security. they are trying to sidetrack us with some political game. where do you stand on the cr? speaker ryan: we have been both talking about it. the reason we are having this in the first place is because the democrats have been holding this agreem

we decided to change the scale of the focus of the institution so social scale.ould we help ten corporations or big companies like starbucks, to graduate another 100,000 people over a number of years and eliminate college debt as a problem? could we scale or find a way to work with the entire k-12 community. we did. we bill a digital platform engaged with the peer k-12 community. build charter schools and integrate them as learning center. could we combine excellence and access into a single institution academic excellence means you allow your factually members to think well of themselves instead of only a teacher. they will forever believe themselves to be in a social hierarchy and they are by definition second class. they're by definition second class, soon they'll be organizing against you. that's the way it works. resources. we acquire our resources not from the lord and master think state government, the state government invest what they can. our other resources air quite through partnerships and engage independent the market, advancing ideas and activities.

the institution mental institution evaluated him for drugs until he was seeming to be well enough in the streets. when you strengthen our mental health infrastructure, look into it, that's the missing piece. if they would have locked him up involuntarily, humanely and everything, then we would have fixed that problem and i think that's the missing piece. >> host: jeff ringel? >> guest: that's interesting, when you're going to lock up somebody involuntarily. now you're getting into a whole double right issue. and i know our government i think under reagan, we got rid of all the mental institutions and so that's a big thing to do. i do think that each state needs to offer better mental health services to its population, but again, that's costly and who's going to get in and that's not necessarily going to stop everybody. that's not going to say cruz wouldn't have availed himself of these services in getting back to involuntarily esadding people into the mental health facilities, , they can do that in some locations. i think here in new york they get 72 hours of involuntary, i don't wan

i'm proposing to add state-owned technical institute buildings as well. due to our budget situation we can quite get to 2% but it needs to remain a priority and we need to make a start. beyond maintenance through our own captive, we now insure all state buildings and have made safety improvements such as the new fire improvement system in the capitol. when i took office this building was uninsured, for example. many stayed buildings were uninsured. while preserving our physical assets we're also keeping south dakota on sound financial footings. we passed a constitutional amendment explicitly requiring a balanced budget and we've structurally balanced our budget every year i've been in office honestly. we have improved many financial practices, placing them in statute and putting more financial information online than ever before. we maintained reserve funds after at least 10% of general fund compensatetures. when we had excess reserves, we used them to pre-pay debt. i'll very proud that we have kept our pension fund fully funded. one of just a handful in

which isn't a financial institution but i.b.m. powers some of the technology on the enterprise level that runs some of the world's biggest financial institutions that was a big deal because i.b.m. had been in the space for a while using what we call non trip a currency applications a block chain which is moving value around in other ways storing data in a distributed way but not necessarily using an actual crypto currency i.b.m. and stellar last year publicly talking about the potential use of lumen was it was a big deal and i think that it's sort of indicative of the fact that it's not just financial institutions that are starting to become increasingly comfortable talking about crypto currency in public but technology companies as well are we could talk michael for a long time but we are running out of time i promised our viewers at the beginning of the show that i wanted to i was going to ask you about the biggest thing out there in this space that we don't know and maybe you'll have to do so. but you haven't written about ther

not perfect equity but in the one aspect you can control, overseeing 7000 financial institutions. don't you think it is a fair women,o ask how they pay african-americans, hispanics? you don't think that as a fair thing for you to ask? chairman powell: i don't think it is a question for the fed. >> boy. that is a great answer. >> the time has expired. >> thank you. thek you for coming before committee. chairman powell, it is my understanding the fed has been developing an alternative to , has there been a robust cost-benefit analysis conducted regarding the impact to shifting relative to to this? say the powell: let me situation with libel is such that the financial conduct authority in london is said they will not compel banks to submit submissions to the panel after the end of four years. the fca can no longer guarantee the continuation. beingwere to stop published, there are contracts in the world and that is -- that as the potential of being significant problem. solving it is a high priority for us. there will be cost to doing so but they would be trivial in comparison to the f

we decided to change this gap and the focus of the institutional -- institutions to social scale. could we help the companies like starbucks to graduate another hundred thousand people over a number of years eliminating college debt as the problem? could we scale where we could find a way to work with the entire k-12 community #we built a digital platform engaged with the entire k-12 community. this will prove certain things and integrate them in learning centers and so forth. excellent and access into a single institution? academic excellence means you actually allow your faculty members to think well of themselves rather than giving them the job of only being a teacher. if you call them only a teacher and call it a college or university, they will forever believe themselves to be in a social hierarchy where they are by definition second-class. if they're second-class, soon will be unionized and so they will be organizing against you. that is the way it works. resources. we acquire our resources not from the lord and master of the state government but the state government invest

fought using these institutions."elieve you in south sudan are capable of doing that? john pendergrast, who is one of the most respected analysts of corruption in africa. he runs the enough project, has described the south sudan government as "a den of thieves." he says it's a kleptocratic winner—take—all state with institutions that have been hijacked by government officials, commercial collaborators for the purposes of self enrichment. that is his report and his opinion. in that report, i... there are a lot of loopholes. he did not do a thorough job in researching. i'm not saying that there's not corruption in south sudan. there is corruption in south sudan. there is corruption here in the united kingdom. even in the us, there is corruption. the difference between the united kingdom and usa and south sudan is because here, there are institutions built to deal with that. and that is what we are actually doing as a government. we have a policy of zero tolerance on corruption, but we have... oh, come on. zero tolerance

the institution that is the sharpest decline is the media. in the west that the run average of 16 points within less than 12 months which is significant. there's all kinds of reasons as to why this is happening and i will explain why. an erosion of trust is basically a a lack of faith. it's a lack of faith or confidence in the system. it's a feeling that the system is failing us. one of the problems is when you look at how institutional trust works, so this idea would place our faith often blind faith in a few elite leaders and they could operate behind closed doors and keep things hidden and keep things secret, that wasn't designed for the digital age. you see this coming out like the harvey weinstein scale and a movement created is a symptom of this, that institutions cannot protect people no matter how powerful they are when they break peoples trust. but i think the narrative that trust is in crisis is helpful. i don't think it's healthy to society because what it accidents it amplifies fears. it creates a vacuum and i will talk more about

as the william garwood visiting professor in the james madison program of american ideals and institutions at princeton university. you can learn more about allen's work either by visiting his web site, allenguelzo.com, but perhaps most importantly allen is a regular speaker at the union league of philadelphia and for the abraham lincoln foundation. he is also a member of the union league of philadelphia. so, please, join me in welcoming our distinguished speaker, dr. allen guelzo. [applause] >> what a pleasure it is to be introduced by joan carter, always the most gracious of introducers. and to be invited to speak in this series which memorializes jack templeton, whom i remember as both a physician and a friend. so there is privilege on all points to be enjoyed as participating in this series. what we know today as the first amendment to the federal constitution originally appeared in the form of a resolution attached by the virginia state ratifying convention to its approval of the new constitution in june of 1788. that resolution declared that the free exercise of religious worship can

institutions i never thought are in jeopardy. the guys wearing the striped shirt, the press and courts. it is a technique used repeatedly throughout history by those who want to clear the field so they are in a position to be able to abuse power more than they otherwise could be able to do. and you know, no matter how much damage is being done to the moral fabric of the nation or no matter how much damage is being done to our standing in the world and it's real. you know what the national -- what the international polling shows now about how we are viewed as a nation. we're below -- we're not much above russia. we're below china. i mean things that are changing in a way that have so many long term profound impacts on our security. now we have a republican party that seems to have a major role and i think they know better to do anything to protect this president at all. and no how much it means, abandoning their core principle or they are abandoning their obligation to this great institution, the house and senate. it's a sad thing

, by failing to tailor these evaluations to this institution, how does that not only impact the institution's ability to do business all the way down to financial service's food chain, but how does it impact the consumer, the mom and pop small businesses? >> well, again, as you point out, you know, just to point out on size. a $50 trillion bank and $50 billion bank have different risks. you could have two banks of the same size and one cod be vanilla. we believe in looking at the complexity of the organization and the risks. >> mr. secretary, would joup port -- and there have been efforts in this committee and things have actually been moved out of committee. would you support trying to codify or legislate actually adjustments to how we evaluate -- how you evaluate financial institutions? in other words, putting into law rules that would allow that type of evaluation as opposed to an arbitrary threshold? >> i would. and i look forward to working with you on it. >> thank you very much. i see, mr. chair, my time has run out. i'll yield back. >> the gentleman yields back. i recognize the man fro

we need them to be institutional. and if they... laws. we need them to be institutional.ing is any mention of the us role. people like you and the opposition who end up in washington, dc are painted by maduro and his allies as people who are fellow travellers with imperialismo, traditional us interference in venezuelan affairs that be if you cannot defend that language from washington, perhaps maduro has a point. as i said before, i do not have any problem to repeat that we need to persuade our soldiers to be institutional. the problem is that, in the history of latin america, we have talked all the time about coup de tat. in my opinion, in venezuela, we have continuous coup de tats. for example, the election on april 22 to be historically, presidential elections are always at the end of every year and are called six months before —— 22nd. so when i say that we need to persuade our soldiers to be institutional, umm, i do not regret that. and to be in the united states and called imperialist, that is something that, to be honest with you, ido is something that, to be hones

that people rate the justice system as the least trusted of the institutions it's a pretty shameful it is there is a lot of concerns on quality of root of all here as a young nation young democracy we are working hard to strengthen our institutions of rule of law in fact we didn't offer to judge our solve course or watch a business we offered international judges and prosecutors to trial people but to do it in the country but just this week the e.u. representatives spoke about high level corruption cases here she said the fact that so many of these cases indeed without sentences or complications suggested that your track record was that really good enough to to get visa liberalization which is something you so much want from the. true the corruption and the situation on fighting corruption it's not. somehow toploader how much we have gone but we are aware of our challenges as a society in fact these are liberalisation it is not only more to politicians it's a war to those that are suffering the your europe we belong to wrap our destiny is your of so i think punishing politicians or

these institutions, the department of justice, the fbi, very important institutions for the rule of law. we guardortant that people civil liberties as we exercise these institutions. the men and women over at the milwaukee office, at the field office in the fbi, they're the ones who keep the opioids out of our schools. these men and women are doing a fantastic job, but we also have to make sure that if there individuals that did the wrong thing, who brought by a sore cut corners or did something wrong that implicated american civil it is our job to bring people to account so it does not happen again. >> this is for senator mcconnell. have you seen the memo and you that with senator thune the senate intelligence committee should see it before it is released publicly? sen. mcconnell: no i have not and i have no suggestions to make to the speaker. speaker, do you really believe this memo has nothing to do with the special counsel's investigation? not ryan: people should draw lines, people should not implicate -- people should not be drawing lines and implicating independent issues. this do

as an institution, our intelligence community as an institution. and i want to remind my colleagues of what our colleague, john mccain, said, and my colleague, senator whitehouse, who prepared this poster board, will be using it shortly. the latest attacks against the f.b.i. and the department of justice serve no american interests, no parties, no president's. only putin's. these attacks served the russians. they do not serve americans' national security because they are done with the purpose to obstruct justice. they are the latest in a series of irresponsible and reprehensible actions which began in the first days of this administration, in january of 2017. acting attorney general sally yates went to the white house to enform -- inform the white house counsel that michael flynn lied about his relationship with the russians and he could somehow be blackmailed and don mcgahn immediately briefed president trump. but the white house failed to react in the way that a responsible president would. soon after it was revealed that the f.b.i. was doing an