virginia used to be called the home of president because we had george washington, thomas jefferson, james madisonjames monroe, among others. you are from virginia and you've been in political life. why don't you guys run for president? >> with everybody running i'm not sure -- >> it's not too late. >> you live in new hampshire. how has new hampshire been able to reserve it being the first primary for so long? what's going to happen up in new hampshire? >> the purest democratic state -- and i'm not talking democrat as a label. i'm talking democracy as we know it. there were 400 legislators in the state legislature in new hampshire. they paid $100 a year -- they get paid $100 a year and they have year and have a hard time finding people to run. one out of every 20 citizens in new hampshire is involved in government somehow, local government, state government, so it's the most democratically active state in the union. it prides itself on being the first primary for challengers to go through for president of the united states. they like to say the road to the white house always go through new hampshi

if you had a chance to ever meet james madison, what would you want to ask them? t's a a fascinating story,d andy talked about the bill of rights essentially. madison came to that and promised to be for amending the document yet so much ownership over it because he needed to get elected. he didn't get reelected in the new congress. it's a fascinating story about sort of going out and to understand what his campaign plan was. those of us who have run for public office, bobby can sympathize with this, it has now gotten very sophisticated. there's an overlay of digitalization. there are obviously these districts that a been drawn in a gerrymandered way. and madison, he was probably the first victim, if you will, of gerrymandering, and when the legislature in virginia decided, the anti-federalists decided they wanted to keep them out, you know, and he lost the bid for the senate appointment. but when he went and ran, and knowing the district the way i do and sort the district has changed now, but there is orange county, which is a very rural county now outside of charl

george mason the fifth began to correspond with prominent men who knew his grandfather including james madison. madison empathize with the young man's struggle to gather the papers. he said in masons achievements quote that highly distinguished as he was accounts are more scanty than many of his contemporaries. far inferior to him and intellectual powers in public service. while the sun is a man who simply refused to sign the constitution this is not in my view a historic way accurate picture of mason. his generosity was unmatched when it came to his family, solicited to his beloved mother while she was still alive as well to his younger brother and sister. by adulthood he was already, yet already begun to be a voracious collector of books. he cultivated the arts, sciences and agriculture. even though he lost his wife ann at the age of 39 and his lifelong friendship with george washington over his objection to the constitution mason believed in the fundamental goodness of life. close to the of surviving documents and letters reveal masons intricate character. those who have commented on nathan

if you ever had a chance to meet james madison, what would you ask him? story and andy talked about the bill of rights and madison came to that and promised to be for amending the document he had so much ownership over because he needed to get elected. he needed to get reelected in the new congress. abouta fascinating story going out to understand what his campaign plan was. those of us who have run for public office -- and bobby consider beside -- can sympathize with this -- it has now gotten very sophisticated. there is no overlay of digitalization. districts have been drawn in a gerrymandered way. mantis -- madison was the first victim of gerrymandering. when the legislature in virginia decided the antifederalists decided they wanted to keep him out and he lost the bid for the senate appointment -- when he went and ran and knowing the district the way i do and the way it has changed now that there is orange county. a very rural county outside of charlottesville. it was culpepper that was the anchor in his district. and the story is told about how he we

grandson george mason the fifth, began to correspond that he knew his grandfather includingam james madison. madison sympathized with the young man's struggle to gather the papers. he said and wrote of mason's achievements, quote, but highly distinguished as he was, accounts are scanned and those of his contemporaries, far to hint of intellectual matters. matters. he's he was a man that simply ro to sign the constitution this is not in my view a historically accurate picture of mason. his generosity was unmatched when it came to his family,is solicited to his beloved mother while she wasr still alive as well to his younger brother and sister. by adulthood, he was already begun to be a voracious collector of cooks. sql to visit the arts, sciences and agriculture and even though he lost his wife at the age of 39 and lifelong friendship with george washington over his objections to the constitution, mason believed i believes in the fundamental goodness of life. a study of surviving documents and letters that revealed mason's intricate character for those who commented on his life have captured

james, i'm a worshipper of james madison. james madison made one huge mistake. he assumed that, well, as he said in federalist 51, he said you see throughout our system the process of supplying by opposite and rival interests the defect of vetters. -- defect of better motives. the rivalrous interests, the house against the senate, the congress against the executive, the refereeing judicial supervision over our democracy by the judicial branch, madison assumed that institutional pride and self-interest would be strong enough to keep this equilibrium. he was wrong. turns out that congress today is filled with people who just want to be there. there's an old saying that some be something,tics and others in politics do something. the latter group is much smaller. -- ask about congress congress, like the legal profession, like dentistry, like teaching, we all live under the tyranny of the bell-shaped curve. a few members over here are god awful. a few members are extraordinary. the vast majority of dentists, lawyers, journalists, columnists are mediocre. [laughter] m

james madison's copy actually has an notations by james madison. >> it says right here, "mr.mes madison's esstays, federalist number 10, addresses the dangers of what he called factions and is cited on both sides of the campaign finance debate. >> so federalist number 10. >> he's leaving us alone with the federalist papers. >> among the advantages promised by a well-constructed immune, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. faction can be read as at whwha? >> special interest groups. >> this is basically talking about money and influence? >> money and influence. >> from large organizations? >> there are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction. the one by removing its causes, the other by controlling its effects. by removing its causes. how do you do that? you can't remove the causes of -- >> human nature. >> human nature or faction, right. >> i think you control. >> what you're going to do is control its effects. >> control its effects. >> today the men and women entrusted with controlling the effec

and last is this wonderful book the first congress, how james madison, george washington and a group of extraordinary men invented government. i have always been curious about the first congress because there is a canon of constitutional construction in our law which says decisions made by the first congress are given some difference in terms of interpreting the meaning of the constitution, they were on the ground floor when the constitution was written so their practices deserve special scrutiny and a lot of members of the first congress themselves were signers of the constitution and the declaration of independence. the first congress met not in washington but new york. james madison described the congress as being in a wilderness with no path forward that had ever been written so they had to decide where was the capital going to be, the politics around the decision to locate the capital on the banks of the potomac into the -- get discussion of lands, to have congress accept that and build a capital there and the politics around that and the question of the revolutionary war. there

fifth, and the six began to correspond we put prominent men who knew his grandfather including james madison. madison sympathized we put the young man's struggle to gather the papers. when he said and wrote to mason's achievements quote that highly distinguished as when he was, i counsel are more scanty that many of his contemporaries. are inferior to him and in intellectual powers and in public. although son had did largely dismiss as a man who reese refused to sign the constitution, this it's not a historically accurate picture of mason. this generosity was unmatched when it shame to his family and solicited to his beloved mother while she was alive as well to his younger brother and sister. by adulthood, when he was already begun to be a voracious collector of books. when he cultivated the arts and sciences in a culture. and even though when he losses your wife and at the age of 39, his lifelong friendship we put washington over his objections to the constitution, mason believed in the fundamental goodness of life. close study of surviving documents and letters have revealed mason's intri

james madison's house was in orange county.you had a chance to meet james madison, what would you want to ask him? >> it is a fascinating story. and talked about the will of rights -- andy talked about the bill of rights. madison came to that and promised to be for amending the document he had so much ownership over because he needed to get elected. he did not get elected in the new congress. abouta fascinating story going out and understanding what is campaign plan was. those of us who have run for public office -- bobby can sympathize. it has now gotten very sophisticated. it is an overlay of digitalization. there are obviously these districts that have been drawn in a gerrymandered way. madison was the first victim of gerrymandering. when the legislature in virginia decided the anti-federalist -- decided -- the antifederalists decided they waited to keep them out and he lost the bid for the senate appointment -- when he went and ran and owing the district the way i do and how the district has changed, there is orange county,

>> we did, it was a close call and the irony that james madison, he had to do with the writing of the constitution, madison was one of those who was most worried that there might but dictatorship of some kind yet madison was the one who took us into a war, the war of 1812, england that the congress, the american people were extremely devouted about and the reasons for it were semibogus. there was no reason to go on with the car. one way of looking at the war of 1812, you know, it's always voot flam was the first -- vietnam was the first time launched to war, stop the brits from bothering our ships, didn't do that. do we owe canada today? audience response question. i don't think so. 1812 could be one could argue war that we lost and most unpopular war in american history more so than vietnam. >> we faked ourselves into it, james polk who was not high on my -- he we wanted to get a lot of land from mÉxico and make continental from east to west, he did it by faking a reason for war, by provoking the mexicans to attack americans in south texas and then went to congress and said, we have

the first money put together the chaplains and decided there should be james madison is on the community. one for the house and one for the senate. a few months later it's a large bill that with a lot of things, but it includes the paying of chaplains. madison votes for this bill in congress said chaplains has had them ever since. all transition into a distinction where i can actually agree with us. so i'm happy about this. the supreme court in the history of two ways. these exactly right. galloway, they are looking at practices throughout all american history. the 19th century in the 20th and the 21st. but there's another one in which what support uses history. in a separate and that is looking at the original understanding of the establishment because an ornament. this is sort of rituals have been given to us. and here i think it is an excellent place that if we were going by the constitutional principle that comes from original -ism, the first amendment needs means largely what it says. we're not going to have an established church but certainly permissible to have things like paint c

were names such as george washington from fairfax don't, thomas jefferson from albemarle county, james madisonorange county, james monroe from spotsylvania county, patrick henry from louisa county, george mason from fairfax county, george with, w-i-t-h, that's a great name, from williamsburg, and richard henry lee from westmoreland county, incredible names. incredible names. [ applause ] self-government in virginia did not just give us a state we love. in a very true sense, it gave us the country we love, the united states of america. so true. thank you very much. [ applause ] when madison drafted the first amendment to our constitution, he drew inspiration from virginia's statute for religious freedom. as john adams row in philadelphia just before the adoption of the declaration of independence, we all look up to virginia for examples. great. it's great. [ applause ] and when patrick henry rose to speak his famous words at st. john's church in richmond, give me liberty or give me death, he spoke in defense of a tradition that began more than 150 years before, at jamestown, right here. [ appla

wood with us for this 2019 james madison lecture. professor wood is, i think it is fair to say, the dean of early american historians. he is the alva o. way professor emeritus at brown university. born in concord, massachusetts, where the revolutionary war began, he was raised in that commonwealth and graduated summa cum laude from tufts university. he then earned an ma and phd from harvard university, where he studied under bernard bailyn. he taught at harvard and the university of michigan before joining the faculty at brown in 1969. a prolific author, professor wood has won numerous awards. in 1970, his book "creation of the american republic, 1776-1787" won the bancroft prize. in 1993, his "radicalism of the american revolution" won the pulitzer prize for history. "the americanization of benjamin franklin" was awarded the julia ward howe prize by the boston author's club in 2005. his volume in the "oxford history of the united states" entitled "empire of liberty: a history of the early republic, 1789-1815" was given the associati

wood with us for this 2019 james madison lecture. professor wood is, i think it's fair to say, the dean of early american historians. he is the professor emeritus at brown university. born in concord, massachusetts, where the revolutionary war began, he was raised in that commonwealth and graduated assusumma cum laude. he taught at harvard and the university of my before joining the faculty at brown in 1969. a prolific author, professor wood has won numeral russ awaou. in 1970 his book won the ban cost prize. in 1993, his "radicalism of the american revolution" won the pulitzer price for history. "the americanzation of benjamin franklin" was awarded a prize by the boston authors club in 2005. his volume in the oxford history of the united states entitled "empire of liberty: a history of the early republic" was given the association of american publishers award for history and biography in 2009. the american history book prize by the new york historical society and the society of the cincinnati history prize in 2010. incidentally, pro

because james madison stands up and says basically this.'d love to have a national popular vote for president. it's simple. it has undoubted appeal. some people said they couldn't do it because they rode horses and it was tough to get information out. that was not a concern raised. they could aggregate the votes. it would just take longer. the concern was the same concern i have today, which was madison says the problem with the national popular vote is inevitably, the power would wind up permanently vested with a big population centers. so as much as in theory i might like that, you find this all through the constitutional debates, right? in theory, this might look good, but what we care about is whether it works in practice. madison said in practice, it would not work. it would be a disaster because it would entrench control of the executive branch and the biggest population centers and leave everybody else out. so we have an electoral college. we'll get into some of these things. it also provides ancillary benefits. if you bring madison

james madison described the congress as being in a wilderness with no path forward that has ever been written before. they had to decide where was the capital going to be and a lot of the book is about the politics surrounding the decision to locate the capital on the banks of the potomac and to get the session of lands from the maryland general assembly in the virginia general assembly and have congress accept that and build capital there. in the politics around that and around the question of the revolutionary war is fascinating. but there's also the question of the committee system, how would congress operate. what would the rules be. what would it do with all of the debts that were bequeathed to the first congress from the revolutionary war about a standing army. about a government and then about a bill of rights because the bill of rights had not been adopted yet. would there be a bill of rights in madison came the champion but he was a reluctant champion. at first he didn't really think we needed it but he became a champion of the bill of rights which of course had been demanded

james madison, religious liber liberty, the letter to the baptist and the memorandum. they were ratifying it in spite of many u.s. supreme court opinions to the contrary. there's no evidence that anyone so i think by focusing on these two founders who are among the separationist of all the founders who get a very distorted view of what americans believe with their relations. if we look at the broader constellation, we see at the federal level, they retained a support for the idea that the state and federal government can promote religion. presidents, washington, adams, madison. jefferson, ratified to provide money and hire a priest and build a church. on and on as you go, evidence that might pretend that the virginia the baptist is the only document that matters. thank you. >> it's important because they are using it to interpret your rights today. his recently stated, the supreme court handed down 40-foot concrete cross in maryland. the court operated history over principles. it's been there nine years so we are going to go ahead and let it stand. it said we don't kno

james madison has been key in that but with him injured, the foxes were looking for someone else to spark long. ricardo with the brilliant run and even better finish, leicester with the lead. newcastle just couldn't get hold of the ball and they couldn't control their temper, a horrific challenge from isaac hayden on dennis pratt quickly deemed worthy of a red card. once again, it wasn't going to plan and it only got worse, particularly when jamie vardy did what jamie vardy does best. the floodgates were open, the foxes running riot. pratt back on his feet and in on the action. jamie vardy scored a second before wilfred made it five. more misery for the magpies. leicester, too clinical, too good and back into third. certainly not near good enough. we've made it difficult all afternoon, especially with ten men. you need to get 20, 30 minutes up the road and after half time, we gave a goal away for their second and a deflection for the third and thenit and a deflection for the third and then it became one of those very, very difficult afternoons against a very difficult afternoons against a

james: that happens time and again. we see it today, we saw it starting with thomas jefferson. jefferson and madisonnd even john adams, they could not get rid of james wilkinson, one of the greatest scandals in u.s. history. he engaged himself in at least one plot to dismember the union. neither jefferson nor madison could find a way to bring him to book and throw him out. madison finally found a way to do so during the war of 1812 because wilkinson messed up a command in battle. there are some circumstances where you can't. presidents are political officers. they govern the united states and the united states has always been a complex nationstate and has only gotten more so. it is hard for a president to discipline ill conducting people without looking over his shoulder as to who will criticize him for having disciplined that cabinet officer. political constituencies, the president has to answer to them and keep them in mind. it is a complex situation. that doesn't mean you when i should not demand of a president that somebody be fired or want someone fired, but it is more difficult in the sociolog

james madison the main framer who was as much of the believer in democracy is anybody in the world that they nevertheless felt that the united states' system should be designed and indeed was his initiative was designed so that power should be in the hands of the wealthy . because the wealthier there are more responsible set of men and therefore the structure of the formal constitutional system placed most power in the hands of the senate or the senate was not elected in those days it was selected from the wealthy men as madison put it had sympathy for property owners in their right. to read the debates at the constitutional convention. madison says the major concern of the society has to be to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. and here argument suppose everyone had to vote freely as they will the majority of the poor get together and they would organize to take away the property of the rich and he said that would obviously be unjust so he can't have that so therefore the constitutional system has to be set up to prevent democracy. which is of some interest that

rebekah brannan is an associate professor of history at james madison university. she'll talk to us about the loyalists, which is her specialty. book is "from revolution to reunion. reintegration of the south carolina loyalists," university 2016. carolina press kathleen duval is a professor of history at the university of carolina, chapel hill. she'll talk about her specialty, native americans. her latest book was on thendence lost, lives edge of the american revolution," published in 2015 next project is masters of the continent. how americans ruled north 19th century.he then we have robert parkinson, professor of history in the state of new york at binghampton. cause, ok, "common creating nation and race in the american revolution," and that 2016.ublished in he's currently working with the a shorter n sort of undergrad friendly version of book.particular although i thought it was undergraduate friendly anyway as it was. undergraduate.he his other book project is the heart of american darkness, a microhistory. david -- distinguished professor the graduate center a

wood with us for this 2019 james madison lecture.rofessor wood is, i think it is fair to say, the dean of early american historians. he is the alva o. way professor emeritus at brown university. born in concord, massachusetts, where the revolutionary war

resolution the syrian skyline was lit up with the fireworks of 59 cruise missiles however a year later james madison was then the u.s. secretary of defense says they really weren't sure who did it. we have other reports from the battlefield from people who claim it's been used we do not have evidence of it so they had a smoking gun evidence at 1st but then they left it in the elevator or they dropped it on the bus over these things happened right remember back in february want to humanitarian aid truck was burned on the border with venezuela mike pence the us vice president spoke up immediately saying who was to blame the tyrants in caracas dance this is henchmen murdered civilians and burned food medicine heading to venezuelans saturday was tragic for the families of those killed and suffering venezuelans but it was just one more day in venice when his journey from tyranny to freedom madeira must go then a video emerged telling a completely different story and it wasn't so cut and dry. responsible for creating the conditions of violence his thugs denied the entry of tons of food and medicine while

many players he knew from the under age groups and it could be deadly as for tyrone mings and james madisonmary's, southampton, on tuesday evening. also notable is the crowds turning out are bigger and more positive, it seems, than in many years gone by. there seems to be a feel—good factor around england that emanates from the world cup semifinals. it was a near sell—out at wembley today. many qualifications in recent years that has not been the case so the feel—good factor on and off the pitch and they will want to keep that going all the way through until next summer and the final of the euro 2020 is here at wembley. england's opponents on tuesday — kosovo — went top of group a earlier after beating the czech republic 2-1. they went a goal down — but equalised in the first half. then it was this goal from mergim vojvoda in the 66th minute that secured the win. kosovo are currently ranked 120th in the world — the lowest ranked in their group by far. but — they're the most in—form national side in europe, unbeaten 15 matches. it's the opening weekend in the womens super league season — and

collection of essays along the line of the federalists which he was the initiator that he wrote with james madison in those years he was thinking about doing that again and he approached one friend and colleague and said would you be willing to write for someone like that and i think that he would have been commenting on the americanan government. he saw himself as someone that is going to stand back and weigh in and probably be critical. critical. but he might become a commentator of that. the last paragraph of that is fascinating. he says something along the lines some of you may be wondering why i ended up fighting the school and they do not support dueling. i shouldn't have agreed to fight this but here's the thing at some point in our future in the case of crisis in our public affairs which seem likely to happen he has to be able to step forward and be useful and to be useful i think he felt he needed to protect his reputation so he could be a public figure is needed again. this is along the lines of the memo and i should mention things may be ultimately not working at collapsing. i think he