do you know what president james monroe said in 1822. he said, when asked about public works, he said that he thought that they might end up being abused, that it might be a product of able for more public work. so it's nothing new now to answer your questions specifically my favorite pope. our object of course was the $10000.00 toilet seat. i think that was so absurd. i know we followed up by the $1000.00 pair of pliers, so it's nothing new. this is going on, and that is why in 2011, remember that the republican majority put a stop to old m. okay. well, they thought they put a stop the point of the way to door tools. steve, do you have one that you like or you always have such tidbits? this is always great conversations at the dinner table by the way, to bring up, well and, and to follow up on, on hillary's point, if you ask taxpayers, should that, should the federal government pay for this or pay for that? their answer is yes and polling. if you ask them, should taxpayers pay for that? the answer is no, we don't have this ability disti

sara bon-harper executive director of james monroe's highland. kate lemay, curator and historian for the national portrait gallery. and gayle jessup white public relations and community engagement officer at monticello. and the thomas jefferson foundation. please join me in welcoming our panelists. like. well, good afternoon. oh, it's so good to see you. oh, i see. we have after lunch. crowd oh, right. very good. well, we're excited to be here this afternoon to talk about president sites and various forms and formats and how we interpret history at these sites in an inclusive way. and in a way that sheds light on how these presidents have been successful and have had tremendous impact on our nation, but how they have also harmed others in the process. so let us begin our conversation on this afternoon with gail. if you could share with us a little bit about yourself often you are actually a descendant of thomas jefferson and the hemings family, and you've written a wonderful book called reclamation, which which i have with me. yes. and tell us ab

become foreign policy is what will be called the monroe doctrine which was a message uttered by james monroe in december 1823. at the tail end of the war of independence of latin america. where he states that the united states will oppose the recolonization of those new republics of latin america by europe. so, it is an anticolonial message but at the same time he asserts that the united states will be the main power in the western hemisphere. so, he asserts the united states sphere of influence over the western hemisphere and that message will become really crucial for politicians later in the 19th century. as a guide to asserts that influence. >> one of the times were they thought about asserting that influences when we talked about westward expansion in the united states. >> yes. it was very important for us as co-curators to allude to the different days ways through which the united states accomplished that territorial expansion. certainly the displacement of native americans. the persecution of native americans was a main way in which the united states government accomplished that. this

so, julia was born when james monroe was president and the missouri compromise had been signed into law and maine had entered into the union as the 23rd state. and she was born on may 4th, 1820, on gardiners island, which is just at the tip of long islands and for her early life, she lived in the village of east hampton. her father and mother, david and juliana gardiner, were financially well-off, and julia benefited from her family's position in new york society and also received a substantial education in new york city, which she fortified with a one year tour of europe with her father and sister. next slide, please. chris and i found during our research on julia garner that there's a good deal that's not known about her and more importantly, there's a lot that is misunderstood or just simply incorrect about the various chronicles of her life. on the right is case in point. here is the rose of long island lithograph caricature that was published in 1840. my 2018 new york history journal article, i'm not a model first lady julia gardiner tyler eller in the new york city print culture a

exploring policy is what will be called the monroe doctrine, which was a message uttered by president james monroe, the fifth president of the united states, in december of 1823. at the tail end of the wars of independence of latin america, where he states that the united states will oppose the recolonization of those new republics of latin america by europe. so it's an anti colonial message, but at the same time, he asserts that the united states will be the main power in the western hemisphere. so he asserts the united states sphere of influence over the western hemisphere and that message will become really crucial for politicians later in the 19th century to once a mid-19th century and late 19th century as a guide to assert that influence. and one of the times when they thought about the monroe doctrine to assert that influence is actually when we talked about our westward expansion right here in the united states, right? yes. and so it was very important for us as co-curator was to to allude to the different ways through which the united states accomplished that territorial expansion. certain

james monroe, john quincy adams, andrew jackson, martin van buren, william henry harrison, john tylerfranklin pierce, james buchanan, andrew johnson, benjamin harrison, warren harding, harry truman,, jfk, lyndon johnson, richard nixon, barack obama, joe biden. about 5%. host: only two of them -- thinking this through to be sure -- so, lyndon johnson and barack obama went directly from the senate to the vice presidencym barack obama was never vice president. betty:. betty: i mean, to the presidency. host: lbj was vice president for jfk. jfk went straight from the senate. it's, jfk and barack obama are the two that went directly from the senate to the presidency. most had other service in between. host: and other senators have run for president, john kerry and bob dole. is it intimidating at times working with 100 would be presidents? betty: [laughs] it can be. it can be intimidating working with 100 senators period because when you work in the senate in a position like my position was, for instance, you really have 101 bosses. because we worked directly for the secretary of the senate,

he had promised in his battle for the congressional seat with james monroe, that he would support a bill of rights and he cared about keeping his word to his constituents. many of his federal federalist said, we don't need a bill of rights. we just set up a federal government. why are you going to disable it with a bill of rights and why would you amend it when you have no experience dealing with the european bankers who are lending us money and they are not going to be reassured by the fact that we are tinkering with the constitution as soon as we just established it and madison said, look, we promised our constituents we are going to give them a bill of rights and it would be bad to start off on the wrong foot by breaking our promises and many of these people are acting in good faith and they have genuine concerns and the national government will be impressive in north carolina and rhode island have it ratified yet and maybe we could get them to ratify if we actually gave them the bill of rights and many of his federalists and colleagues in congress and the major speech and let us sit

handedly responsible for the bill of rights, he had promised in his battle for the congressional seat james monroe, that he would support a bill of rights and he cared about, keeping his word to his constituents. many of his federal federalists. we don't need a bill of rights. we just up a federal government. why are you going to disable it with a bill of rights? why are you going to amend it when you have no expectation you have no experience dealing with it? the european bankers were lending money. you're not going to be reassured. the fact that we're tinkering with the constitution as soon as we just established that. and madison said, look, we promise our constituents we're going to give them a bill of it would be bad to start off on the wrong foot by breaking our promises and many of these people are acting good faith. they have genuine concerns. national government will be oppressive. and by the way, north carolina and rhode island haven't ratified yet and maybe we could get them to ratify. we actually gave them the bill of rights and many of his federalist colleagues, congress said, okay, y

james townsend and those three. we'll talk about them in a bit more detail. but just to give you a preview, they're three and slave men who escaped and made it to fort monroe in may 1861. so that's one of the terms. the other i kind of had to do this, given today's topic is the emancipation proclamation. so again, as we're talking about the document and the decisions that went into it, just be thinking about how you would explain the significance in an exam of of the emancipation proclamation. so beginning with the african-american perspective. again, this is by far the most straightforward one to grasp, because it stays pretty constant throughout the war. and because the same kind of impulse characterize as the large majority of african-americans during the civil war is. and that's why i included this sentence in such big font and the red color, just to let you know that this is a really important fact. it's one that's very obvious, but it's one that it's easy to overlook as well. i think in thinking about how emancipation unfolded during the civil war. that simple facts that enslaved people wanted freedom as well, say, helped to drive a lot of the decisions