including john c. calhoun, daniel webster, and thomas hart benton. now, clay tried to use the senate as a platform to pursue the presidency in 1832. not an easy thing to do, considering that only three men have ever succeeded in this task, going straight from the senate to the white house. clay ran against the incumbent, his arch rival andrew jackson. the kentuckian, however, profoundly misread the national climate, and old hickory thrashed him handily. despite his poor showing in the race, clay decided to remain in the senate where important work remained to be done. it had taken less than a decade for the wounds clay had sutured in the two missouri compromises to begin to reopen. once again the nation needed a deal to be brokered or face potential ruin. the issue this time involved the a tariff which emerged as a political flash point in the late 1820s. congress had increased the tariff in 1828 and again in 1832 and had highlighted once again the growing differences between north and south. the north wanted protection for its fledgling industries,

even one of his long-time rivals, john c. calhoun, said of him, "i don't like henry clay. he's a bad man, an impostor, a creator of wicked schemes. i wouldn't speak to him. but by god, i love him." [ laughter ] now, i would note parenthetically that clay's personal warmth and effervescence stood in marked contrast with the coldly logical calhoun. of the south carolinian it was once remarked, "he could not write a love poem since he started every line with whereas." six, clay developed over time a political philosophy regarding the direction of where he wanted to take the nation. it became known as the american system. it was a nationalist vision. protective tariffs to encourage fledgling u.s. industry and economic development internal improvements such as improved roads and canals to facilitate trade and more closely bind together the union. a reliable financial system guided by the bank of the united states. reaffirmation of the priems of the legislative branch. and above all, above all maintenance of the union. finally, clay understood how to exercise the power available

john c calhoun, it was because of his opposition with jackson. he picked the wrong fight. calhoun was popular that jackson was more popular. going back to south carolina and saying i'm going to let jackson burn, because of the petticoat scandal, even though the elites were offended by the scandal, the masses ate it up. newspapers back then read like tabloids today. with stories about peg and eaten -- eaton. jackson's heroic image, the orphan boy standing up to a british officer, the war of 1812, the duels, the attempt assassination. you can't buy that kind of us. calvin misjudged and would never fayetteville his destiny. in modern times you may think of ted kennedy or someone like that. clearly you put clay and calhoun on the list. questions? a follow-up. >> is it true that he went on to bankrupt the first national bank? prof. watson: jackson had many feuds. when he picked a fight he was in it to win it. negotiate was not part of his vocabulary. one of the many feuds see had was with the u.s. bank. he was serious with the way the bank was run. the same way today we may see

lower right is john c calhoun. these are four of the most powerful politicians in the country, and andrew jackson. each one of these folks had a regional base of support. clay had some in the frontier and west. quincy adams in the north. crawford in the south. calhoun realizes without -- having to split his base of support -- he is not going to win. calhoun declares himself for the vice presidency. his strategy is they will be damaged goods, i will be their vice president. it was a brawl. a knockdown drag out. rachael the whore being one of the campaign issues. anytime anyone said that to jackson he was ready to duel. he wins the popular vote. he also wins the electoral college vote. here is the problem. in order to win the presidency you need a majority. jackson had a plurality. he did not have a majority. if you don't have a majority, the vote goes to the house of representatives. the house picks among the three leading folks. each state gets to cast one vote. if we were virginia back then, let's say there were t

yale, the controversy over john c calhoun. and people suggesting we should have -- they should not have to be in places where people who had done these the various things were celebrated. things were celebrated. there was pushed back on this from people who said that history is history, and what you should do is not erase history. by erasing these memories. perhaps contextualize things. perhaps leave it as it is or totally rid of it. those were the questions that were presented. i was on a committee that had to figure out what to do about the shield. ofdecision surprise a number people. in this particular instance, i wanted to keep the shield but conceptualize it, but -- contextualize it, but change the way people think about it. symbols are created equal, people are not. their desire for celebration is a line drawing function. we do that all the time. some people can be in, some people can be out. there is some ways to contextualize things. other things are just too awful to remain. questions about what goes in and what goes

there used to be a stained glass window of john c calhoun with a constitution on the table. people love this. in the 1990's, they removed the slave so he is there with the constitution. i would rather have it with the entire thing, as a reminder of what john c calhoun's constitutional principles meant. it i think that ought to be there. let me offer a caution. sumner was not saying, get rid of all memories of the war. he was not saying that tokens on state banners should be removed. and he wasn't saying that battle monuments should be removed. he was saying, in the united states regiment, not the first massachusetts infantry, but in regiment, --ates there may have been seven of them -- should have these removed. the reason has to do with -- you guessed it -- honor. the argument was very simple. how can any southerner in the future, any white southerner, in the future, serve in a regiment under a banner that celebrates victories over him and his people? let confederate states have what they want. let union states have whatever banners they want. let there be monuments everywh

i would have had to have it with the entire thing to show what john c. calhoun's principles meant. i think that ought to be there. when it comes to the erasing of things, let me offer a caution, sumner was not saying get rid of all memories of the war. he wasn't saying that the tokens on state banners should be removed. and he wasn't saying that battle monuments should be removed. he was saying in the united states regiments not the first massachusetts infantry, not the 49th new york infantry, but in the united states regiments, collected from all of the states, these regiments and there may have been maybe seven of them, should have these removed and the reason has to do with, you guessed it, honor. the argument is very simple. how can any southerner in the future, any white southerner in the future, serve in a regiment under a banner that celebrates victories over him and his people? let confederate states have what they want. let union states have whatever banners they want, let there be monuments everywhere, but the united states itself should not be committed to this. that's k

he takes more heat than senators -- than a john c. calhoun, for instance. clay is probably more talked about, written about, focused upon than some of the more prominent political figures. >> we've spent time talking about his basics and haven't really delved into his position about slavery. explain to us what his falafel and political position -- philosophical and political positions were. >> philosophically he was against slavery. for his time period, he would have been considered extremely liberal. for a long time, he was touted as an abolitionist, an emancipationised. he did not -- emancipationist. he did not believe in slavery, but he also didn't believe that african-americans could survive in america as citizens. the whole idea of the american colonization society, freedom outside the united states, sort of became his platform. that he really stuck to throughout his presidency. who he never -- i'm sorry, i'm making him president. throughout his political career. he never did deny the fact that he felt ferns should have their freedom. he just was not w

calhoun college named after john c. calhoun who was an ardent supporter of slavery. the school said it would not change the name in april. that prompted protests. yesterday yale's president said >>> in this morning's cnbc money report, disney world may one day track every step a visitor takes. the orlando sentinel is reporting that the company received a patent for new tech noll to monitor guests by following their footsteps. it would involve a sensor and cameras monitoring shoes and following the routes taken from ride to ride. disney said it would allow the theme park to create a emojis this fall. an update will include more than 100 new and updated emojis. some will include new gender options, athletes and professionals. apple replaced the revolver emoji with a squirt gun instead. >> okay. >>> it's 5:10 right now. still ahead, a warning for all pokemon go players. it. >>> plus, weather and traffic on the 4s coming up. you're watching "today in new if you're using this toothpaste, you're probably expecting to get visibly whiter teeth, but it only removes surface st

the reason i have it up, not only henry clay, daniel webster, john c. calhoun, i have it up not only because i'm an admirer of clay but i did my senior thesis in college on henry clay and the compromise of 1850. >> is it because he was a kentuckyian that you did that? >> yeah. i recently reread it. it wasn't very good. frankly, this he should have had me rewrite it. it was one of the three major compromises clay was involved in. in holding the union together as long as it held together before the inevitable conflict blew things up. >> and gave him the nickname "the great compromiser." correct? >> dyeah, that's what he was known as. >> what does that message mean for you today? >> well, because you have to compromise. and we do a lot of that. unfortunately, in today's world, the things we agree on never make any news. it's only when we have differences or something goes off the track or something's controversial that it seems to be important enough to be noticed which is a great frustration to people like me because we've had, in this current congress under the

john c. calhoun once prepared a talk for two weeks and clay got up and demolished it instantly. that's the kind of man clay was and had he been able to appear on television he could have really been a very effective politician. of course at that time you didn't campaign for president, there was no radio so you had to -- that force of the oratory was lessened and only in congress would he have the full force of that. >> when we've been talking with historians and people here at ashland about him they keep telling us he was the equivalent of a rock star in his time. everybody in the country knew him. now, in a country without mass communication, how was it possible for everybody to know who henry clay was? >> everyone -- politics was the sports of that time. it was the game that everybody followed. there were no organized sports as we know it, things like that. there wasn't any musical things except in the church so the politics and/ortory, everybody wanted to follow that as closely as they could and the speeches of a clay or webster, young boys in school and girls without write t

he put down john c calhoun to keep the union together. he gave the union 30 more years to form those mystic chords of memory. if you don't deal with jackson, you can't deal with the american soul in its light and dark elements. we learned more from the past if we look at in the eye that if we look out at it adoringly or down on it condescendingly. mark: mark twain said a small part of a person's life is his acts and his words. when you are tackling a biographical subject, you have to make inferences about their mindset and their motivations. how does one responsibly introduce psychology into biography? annette: i think it is necessary. there was a biographer, fawn brodie, who got into trouble writing about thomas jefferson and calling it a psychohistory. the book most blessed of the patriarchs is out now. what my co-author and i tried to do is to be responsible in reading jefferson's words and looking at his actions and making inferences about that. you can look at the patterns you discern. you hope you see what the person was attempting

he wasn't talking this talk you hear now of practically john c. calhounocratic side really started before the election with the civil rights act of 1964. what lyndon johnson did was say, "that's the first flag we're planting. there are a lot of more flags coming. and we are going to be the party that will end, end discrimination, whether it's in the voting booth, in public accommodations, in the workplace, in housing. and we're going to be the party that uses government to help the most vulnerable people in our society, and tries to use it to give them a hand up, not just a hand-out." >> four great bills in civil rights, 60 bills in education, medicare and medicaid... arts and the humanities, public broadcasting. so much was done. >> d. goodwin: he one time said, "some people want power just to march around to 'hail to the chief' and strut through the stage -- i want to do things." and so he used the power that he gained in that mandate as fully as he could. and had it not been for the war in vietnam, he would be still remembered as one of the most extrao

senator john c calhoun. >> democrat. >> what about the writer of the dread scott decision authorizing slavery and claiming that blacks have no whites that a white ought to -- >> that sounds like a democrat. >> what about the founder of the ku klux klan, nathan bed for forrest, who was also a confederate general? >> democrat. >> let's now talk about a few more figures in american history who resisted racial oppression. abraham lincoln. >> republican. >> his secretary of state seward. >> republican. >> what about the two leading senators who champions the cause of aboh listism. >> they were republicans. >> what about frederick douglas, the runaway slave who became a champion of the abolitionist movement? >> republican. >> there you have it. dinesh d'souza is a documentary filmmaker and creator of "hillary's america," a smash success thus far. why are you releasing this now? >> because i think most people don't know this stuff, megyn. i think that if you asked most americans and most black americans in particular, which was the party of slavery, segregation, and the ku klux klan, they wo

by every single cabinet officer, that includes john c. calhoun from south carolina and yale, by the way, is apparently -- this is just a news flash -- going to keep calhoun as the name of one of our residential colleges. i was rooting for harriet tubman college. no, just -- so judicial review is not that important early on. constitutional issues are really important. presidents are vetoing bills all the time on constitutional grounds. half of the presidential vetoes are constitutionally based. presidents are -- about 50 vetoes. half of them are constitutional vetoes, and they're vetoing bills that have upheld or would uphold like the constitutionality of the bank, which the court says is perfectly okay. andy jackson says, no, not good enough for me. i'm vetoing it. judicial review is not actually -- almost none of the important issues, constitutional issues in the early republic ever get to court or are resolved by court. can presidents -- how should they -- rounding errors in the house of representatives. cabin officers at will. is the assumptio

john c. calhoun said about henry clay, i don't like clay. he's a bad man, an imposter, creator of wicked schemes.he wouldn't speak to him but, by god, i love him. that's the way it really ought to be. but you're asking about what happened here. i think both parties have missed where the american people are. i missed it. this is -- it's amazed me, areth we really this socialistic now? and i'm not directing that critically at the democratic party. at a lot of us and what has happened to the republican party., i think both parties have not been listening. democratic party has not been listening to the movement to the left. bernie sanders tapped into it.rs he did it. give him credit. he did a heck of a job. i never heard him give a speech in the senate like i heard some of the one he gave, i'veed a lot of rank-and-file and blue collar worker -- my dad was a pipe figurer union me and my mother a school teacher so talk to people now and say what's going on. bother parties have missed what is going on the immigration issue, i believe. a lot of peop

and his devotion to the union in putting down john c. calhoun was causing problems early in order to keep the union together, it gave us 30 more years to form those mystic chords of memory. if you don't deal with jackson, you can't deal with the american soul in its light and dark elements. the other thing i'll say just in general, my own seven is we learn more from the past if we look it in the eye than if we look up at it adoringly or down on it condescendingly. mark: mark twain said a small part of a person's life is his acts and his words. all day long, the middle of his brain is grinding and his thoughts, not those of other things are his history. when you are tackling a biographical subject, you have to make inferences about their mindset and their motivations. how does one responsibly introduce psychology into biography? annette: i think it is necessary. there was a biographer, fawn brodie, who got into trouble for writing a biography about thomas jefferson and calling it a psychohistory. all biographers do that. the book most blessed of

with a santorum who expresses views that john c. calhoun would have said, boy, i want to copy those down? the tea partiers who are very much like some of the extreme southern nationalists. and if it was race finally that made compromise impossible, is it now -- is it now -- what would it be? it would be i suppose class? and it would be the fact that the citizenry is angry because it draws a valid impression that the leaders of power are beyond its reach, whether middle class or poor. and there's some question about what one is to do about that, and that's why you have something like occupy wall street which is an epi-phenomenon. it doesn't have anything to say except something is wrong. but this election is going to fuse the something is wrong-ness to a point that the next chapter may be one in which we really do have a center that cannot hold and, indeed, the centrifugal forces will be disastrous. >> yeah, i agree with you. i agree with that overall. and perhaps, i think we have every reason to fear that if the political class can't find s

and his dweegs, i believe, to the union in putting down john c. calhoun, south carolina, as ever causing problems early in order to keep the union together, it give us 30 more years to form those mystic cords of memory. so if you don't deal with jackson i don't think you can deal with the american soul both in its light and dark elements. the other thing i'll say in general is my own sense is we learn more from the past if we look in the the eye than if we look up at it adoringly or down on it condescendingly. >> let me relate a quote from mark twain who said "what a wee part of a person's life is his acts and his words. all day long the mill of his brain is grinding and his thoughts, not those of other things, are his history. so when you're tack ago biographical subject you have to make inferences about their mind-set and motivation. how does one responsibly introduce psychology into biography? >> well, i think it's necessary. i mean, there was a biographer who got into trouble for writing a biography of jefferson and calling him a psycho. but all biogr

john c. calhound about henry clay, i don't like clay, he's a bad man, an imposter, a creator of wicked schemes. i wouldn't speak to him but, my god, i love him. [laughter] that's the way it really a ought to be. you know? [laughter] you were asking about what happened here. i think both parties have missed where the american people are. i missed it. this is, you know, it's amazed me are we really this socialistic now? and i'm not directing that critically at the democratic party. i mean, it's a lot of us. and in, and what has happened to the republican party. i think both parties have not been listening. i think democratic party had not been listening to the movement to the left. bernie sanders tapped into it. i mean, he did it. give him credit, he did a heck of a job are. i never heard him give a speech in the senate like i heard some of the ones he gave. and i've asked a lot of rank and file, blue collar working people -- and, by the way, that's my background. my dad was a union member in the shipy

and his devotion, i believe, to the union and putting down john c. calhoun, south carolina, as ever, was causing problems early, in order to keep the union together. he gave us 30 more years to form those mystic cords of memory. so if you don't deal with jackson, i don't think you can deal with the american soul, both in its life and dark elements. the other thing i'll say just in general is my own sense is, we learn more from the past if we look at it in the eye than if we look up at it adoringly or con. >> to quote mark twain, "all day long the middle of his brain is grinding and his thoughts, not those of other things are his history." when you're tackling a biographic cal subjebio graph graph graphical subjects, how does one transfer psychology into biography?ical subjects, how do one transfer psychology into biograph biograph biography?. >> you're getting into the mind set of the person and trying to -- actually the book "most blessed are the patriarchs" is out there, actually out there in the hallway. what we are trying to do, my co-author and i, is to

the hall is currently named calhoun college after john c. school said it wouldn't change the name but after continued calls from students and staff, yale has decided to revisit the issue. >>> the head of a dentist group specializing in gum disease says the evidence pointing to the benefits of flossing is weak. it's a habit that's been encouraged by the federal government and dental organizations for decades but the recommendation has been dropped quietly from the government's latest guidelines. officials say the effectiveness of flossing had never been researched cases of the mumps and health officials warn it could spread even further. why they say it's so hard to stop it. i had that dream again -- that i was on the icelandic game show. and everyone knows me for discounts, like safe driver and paperless billing. but nobody knows the box behind the discounts. oh, it's like my father always told me -- "put that down. that's expensive." of course i save people an average of nearly $600, but who's gonna save me? [ voice breaking ] and that's wh