including the general regulations of army promulgated by john c. calhoun. all of the rules sailed you had to treat prisoners of war humanely. you had to provide them with enough food and shelter. you could not summarily execute them. and every one of the leading confederate officers and all of the confederate officers because most of them were west point graduates had studied the rules learned about the rules. applied the rules while they were in the united states army before they left the united states army. the confederate government adopts the regulations of the army of the confederate states. among other things when it adopts, it adopts verbatim the u.s. articles of war. so in fact the existing rules on how you treat prisoner ohs of war in 1860 are the same for the confederate army in 1865. now, they have changed for the united states because during the war, the united states used the libra code, which is a code of war and a conduct written by frances liber. he's spent most of his adult life at the college of south carolina which became the university o

one thing that -- for example john c. calhoun wrestled with, how do you maintain what he would have called equality, equal treatment in all the ways that matter, within a union where demographics were tilting power toward the nonslave holding states. >> that's, of course, the great nightmare of the slave holders. and their need to control, in fact to capture -- which is precisely what they did, because the federal government was dominated by slave holders throughout its existence up to the civil war. so much so that by the time lincoln comes along, and says, maybe we should agree not to let the area of the slave states expand, then that's too much. that's violating the basic idea of union. here's the problem i think it's what we would try to reconcile as we talk about the problem of union, how can you have equality or liberty you might put it, autonomy independence and union? is there attention between them? that's what i mean by -- >> and where do -- what's the line between compromise and coercion, they would have argued about t

he wasn't talking this talk you hear now of practically john c. calhounratic side really started before the election with the civil rights act of 1964. what lyndon johnson did was say, "that's the first flag we're planting. there are a lot of more flags coming. and we are going to be the party that will end, end discrimination, whether it's in the voting booth, in public accommodations, in the workplace, in housing. and we're going to be the party that uses government to help the most vulnerable people in our society, and tries to use it to give them a hand up, not just a hand-out." >> four great bills in civil rights, 60 bills in education, medicare and medicaid... arts and the humanities, public broadcasting. so much was done. >> d. goodwin: he one time said, "some people want power just to march around to 'hail to the chief' and strut through the stage -- i want to do things." and so he used the power that he gained in that mandate as fully as he could. and had it not been for the war in vietnam, he would be still remembered as one of the most extraord

andrew jackson who very famously referred to union in making a toast while he looked right at john c. calhoun during the nullification crisis on jefferson's birthday in 1832. he said our federal union must be preserved, to which, as many of you know, calhoun replied the union next to our liberty most dear. during the election of 1860 when four candidates ran for the presidency under four party standards, all of them talked about

one thing, for example, that john c. calhoun wrestled with how do you maintain equality the equal treatment in all ways that matter, within a union where demographics were tilting power toward the non-slaveholding states. >> that's, of course, the great nightmare of the slaveholders and their need to control, in fact, to capture which is precisely what they did because the federal government was dominated by slaveholders throughout its existence up to the civil war. so much so that by the time lincoln comes along and says, well, maybe we should agree not to let the area of the slave states expand then that's too much. that's violating the basic idea of union. here's the problem and i think it's what we try to reconcile as we talk about the problem of union. how can you have equality or liberty, you might put it autonomy independence and union? is there a tension between them? >> what's the line between compromise and coercion? they would have argued about that, too. you're saying you're compromising, and i'm saying no, you're --