john dickinson of delaware, who had been the principle drafter of the articles of confederation a decade earlier, said, no, why don't we do it the other way? why don't we start to by figuring out what powers we want to give the national government? if they are not that expansive, maybe we do not have to alter the structure, you don't have to alter the rule of voting. madison has a different position. he says we cannot agree on what powers we are going to give until we determine whether or not principles of justice, in terms of the allocation of representation, will be respected or not. that is what drives really the first six to seven weeks of the convention. that is why when you get into the debates in philadelphia, which we know best of course from madison's notes, what we see is that one issue. how will seats in congress be apportioned among the states in both houses is really the one dominant issue until you get to mid july 1787 and the so-called great compromise. and talking about the so-called great compromise thus gets me to the three myths about the constitution, which are the re