so tempted now to say john adams, but we we want to thank you all know that i will get we're going to get to john adams i can guarantee and i can but we're also to get to john quincyadams. so this is a double adams. don't tell the big across the street so i want to talk a little bit about some the figures in some of the revolution, that sort of one at a time that you emphasize and you highlight. but it's a really unique way of looking at revolutions. and so i think actually maybe the best place to start is how, did you put this book together? why you pick these people and why did you pick these places. yeah. so it's a gigantic sort of topic in many ways and i focus particular on the question of political organizing, which you're absolutely right, is the kind of the core interest. but even within that, i had to kind of have entry points into the topic. you know, we're talking about the whole atlantic world over 60 years. so i looked at particular, some of them obvious, like paris, some of them a lot less obvious and a little a little idiosyncratic like genoa, a half a chapter about genoa, which is fascinating. fascinating there is a focus on cusco in the highlands

representatives and lafayette was present on the house in the house chamber on february 9th, 1825, when john quincy adams was elected sixth president of the united states. that evening, president monroe hosted a reception at the white house where lafayette to john quincy adams and andrew jackson were all in attendance. lafayette was witness to the first public moment of the new president elect and the man he had defeated had had when jackson entered the reception, many guests had kind of been hanging around hearing that jackson was going to come and they kind of wanted to see what would happen. jackson had a little bit of a reputation, so they wanted to know how these two men would interact. and to the delight or maybe the chagrin of many jackson quickly made his way over to his opponent to clasp his hand. and and congratulations. and perhaps no one was more relieved than adams, who appeared profoundly moved by the gesture. lafayette's arrival seemed to be mac balm for what newspapers were calling the electoral zeal that envelopes the nation. now, he didn't sway politics by personally, publicly endorsing

it really is my worldview, i believe in the produce john quincy adams said resorts, do your best every day and give the results to somebody higher than you. >> is your chaos. >> i genuinely love you know it's frustrating times because i value and appreciate all of this and the best use is working together and it's like a big family but we got to the job done. >> i want to start with the debt ceiling. reconciliation the whole thing is all around with the leverage they have there is pushback. majority leaders that he has no expectation many have your own pushing back so is this your plan? >> in the chambers and these are very difficult to do any office the senate the house either. when you have the smallest margin the biggest chunk, you have to build momentum and it cost me member driven. it won't be placed on the membership. member driven organic bottom of. i know what we need to do in the proverbial football group but we talked about the playbook and we determine the queens and we have this information with my teammates because of her but it will snow the position on the field so we ar

and it really came to a crux. 1824 around the election of 1824, between john quincy adams and andrew jackson. this the first presidential election where candidate had had a hand in the founding documents or served in the revolution. so what was really going to decide the future of the country with this election and people have very strong opinions on either side? it's absolutely nothing we can relate to a 2020 form, right? yeah. so monroe looks for a lafayette to come here lafayette is the last surviving major major general of the american revolution and he's hoping that his arrival is going to kind of help stoke the spirit of 76, kind of revive that patriotism. and it did work because lafayette, with a universally beloved a big reason for that is because the french revolution kept him in france. if he came to america, he would be forced to choose a political party that telecom the american system worked and early american politics were really bitterly divided between federalist democratic republicans and by remaining of the fray. lafayette remains, this beloved figure, he's good fri

and that was, you know, a set of critical questions enough that excuse me, john john quincy adams referred to this as a critical period in american history. and that's why i have critical. up on the board. you don't see that term always utilized. so much any longer. but it's very evocative of at least the idea that there's concern for national nationhood. i guess i'll say, moving forward. right. whether or not these states are going to cohere or whether not they may go their own separate way. right. because if you look at some of those, i guess i'll say index of leading indicators, there's not a lot that bodes well for the idea of union. if you're really paying close attention in those years of the early to mid 1780s so the critical period would be basically from about 1781 when this new national charter of government under the articles of confederation is established and 1787, when we get to the actual constitutional convention. okay. what are those? well, one of them would be in terms of criticality would be the government itself. as i said, one know what you look to for central guidance

john quincy adams called it a critical period. it's critical if you're interested in the united states as the united states. you know, the post war downturn, economic downturn was pretty much over by 1785, 1786. most people had it. not all. most people had it presumably a bit better than they had had it before. nation hood really is the fundamental question. let's look at these three areas and see what the problem is. i'll start first with the government, the central government, the government under the articles of confederation. as i said, it is a product of its time. if you're trying to throw off what you regard as onerous, central authority, then you don't want to replace it with another onerous central authority. right? so you look at the confederation congress and the emphasis is on the congress by the way, in other words, it's on the legislative. it's not on the executive. right? they have an advisory board that handles executive decisions. the focus is on the legislature, the congress, right? you might say sort of people po

larry: senator fun tuberville, as you may know, it was later on president john quincy adams who codifiedinto american policy. and it was about european interference. i would dare say with respect to the panama canal and with respect to the keys of -- to the rest of latin america, this is also about chinese interference. and the bidens never did a darn thing while china, as i said, they're nosing around throughout, they're building bases, they run the two panama canal if locks through the atlantic and the pacific. it's about time somebody said something about this, senator tuberville. >> exactly right. it's been a long time. i can remember my dad was very upset, he was a career military guy, and when jimmy carter gave up the panama canal, i've never seen him that mad. i spent a lot of time in the panama canal and in panama in the last couple of years. they had a president down there that was very pro-china. now we've got a president down there, i went to his inauguration tobacco in july, me lean know, he is all for president trump. he understands what's going on. he's tried to help us. th

larry: senator tuberville, with respect to monroe doctrine later on president johns quincy adams who codified it to american policy, it was about european in in-- interference, i would say with respect to panama canal and latin america it is about chinese interference and bidens never did a darn thing, while chinese are nosing around, and building their basis and they run two panama canal locks. it is about time. >> right. it has been a long time, i can remember my dad was up sit, a career military guy, when jimmy carter gave up the panama can am, i have never seen him that mad, i have spent a lot of time there in last couple of years, they had a president there that was very pro china. now we have a president down there, i went to his inauguration in july, molineo he is for president trump. previous president signed 28 contracts with the chinese, they did not full file but one of those, what will happen trump will go in and help panama, we have to take the panama canal back, do something, because if we went to war with china over taiwan, they were shut the panama canal we have to go

. >> part of this john quincy adams of the house of representatives is where you argue and debate andher a proposal to start a dialogue with the majority of representatives and were going to argue and debate and at some point will be in the plate but you start that conversation but putting forth to decide what you are, new jersey california want to do quite frankly tennessee when you look at the tax burden a low per capita per individual versus california new jersey we should not be subsidizing states that are woke and like the chairman said healthcare for illegals again were starting the process and the dialogue and will continue to move forward to get to the best outcome. cheryl: are you supporting one bill or two when it comes to reconciliation. i love one big beautiful bill but the larger the more complex and the longer it will take to pass whether it's one, two or seven has to be outcome driven and that's what i'm looking for. >> the majority that the republicans have is slim we will see how it goes with negotiations. thank you for being here we have a lot more coming up, the fut

i mean, carter has done what only one other president has done, and that's john quincy adams. and that's basically to rewrite their legacy after leaving office. lots of presidents have tried. hoover and nixon come to mind. but it's really hard to overshadow that first line of your obituary, and yet carter managed to achieve that through four decades of activism and dedication to humanitarian causes. and in doing so, i think those causes, especially because they often overlapped in principle with what he did care about in office, things like the environment, things like women's rights and civil rights and dedication to elections and the democratic process, they've allowed a lot of americans that maybe didn't live through his presidency to focus on those positive attributes when they don't have firsthand memory of the gas lines or of the iran hostage crisis. >> one more question for you. i'm going to put this picture up because i remember when it ran in 2009. it's pretty classic. it's all the living -- then living presidents in the oval office, january 7, 2009. president -- do w

jefferson into the political dialog and i know this is a book about john adams, but one of the best quotes i think in it is from john quincy adams, who was in europe as the minister to prussia. the time and when he read about the virginia and kentucky resolutions, he said they're not going to secede right now. we're not going to have a civil war right now. but there will come a time when the union and the old dominion come to a clash and it just is such a remarkable statement of foresight and nullification. the arms a thing, the thing something on there on the agenda. so as you're talking us through this, you know, we're all preparing for war. and i think you've covered some of this. you've got john adams striving for peace. hamilton boyd, does he want an army? and i wonder if you would talk about his efforts and what standing army meant to americans, because we also went to, i think, one of your arguments is that john adams is reflecting more what americans want and maybe talk a little bit about that and maybe the navy as well. yeah. so in response to the quasi war, congress passed the limitation acts. but they also did t

and early side of this comes from john quincy adams, the only president to subsequently serve in congress. adams was elected to the house of representatives from a suburban district in in boston, and adams, along with a handful of other members, the best known is probably joshua giddings, who was awakened by later a republican congressman from from ohio, begin to think of ways to challenge this idea of slavery as a positive, good and working in concert with abolitionist movements, they come up with the idea of in covering these movements to present petitions, which is, of course, something that is guaranteed by the constitution to congress. the petitions could then be debated on the floor of congress. those debates then could be sent far and wide through the congressional frank, which literally was members of congress signing a document so that it could be mailed for free and sent these to the south. so basically, this is a propaganda effort designed to spread abolitionist ideas into the south in a region that had become very hostile to the to the concept of a freedom. southern members re

john quincy adams went on to serve nine terms in the house of representatives.esident. we're in a much lower station. he found a much higher calling and became a leader of the abolitionist movement. cleveland obviously made a comeback. taft, who wanted nothing more than to become chief justice of the supreme court, unfortunately suffered the fate of his wife, his brothers and theodore roosevelt, his mentor and friend, wanting him to be president of the united states. so he kept turning down the supreme court. in the last ten years of his life, he achieved his dream, and at the end of life, he gets asked, does he remember being president? and he says, no, i don't remember being president. i finally have achieved my dream. so his story is kind of a lesson that a dream deferred doesn't need to be a dream denied. your book, also topical because jimmy carter is top of mind with his recent death and state funeral, where everyone was reminded about his extraordinary post-presidency, some historians argue it might have been more consequential than his presidency. so wha

it really is my worldview, i believe in the produce john quincy adams said resorts, do your best everyday and give the results to somebody higher than you. >> is your chaos. >> i genuinely love you know it's frustrating times because i value and appreciate all of this and the best use is working together and it's like a big family but we got to the job done. >> i want to start with the debt ceiling. reconciliation the whole thing is all around with the leverage they have there is pushback. majority leaders that he has no expectation many have your own pushing back so is this your plan? >> in the chambers and these are very difficult to do any office the senate the house either. when you have the smallest margin the biggest chunk, you have to build momentum and it cost me member driven. it won't be placed on the membership. member driven organic bottom of. i know what we need to do in the proverbial football group but we talked about the playbook and we determine the queens and we have this information with my teammates because of her but it will snow the position on the field so we are