supremacist group that probably wouldn't have had much success, but there was something about the ku klux klan that p l appealed to the populist group. and this man had-would plague american like for the next century, because the secret of the ku klux klan, wasn't that it was racist, there were a lot of other racist organizations, and it wasn't that it was violent, there were a lot of other violent organizations, but it had this myth that it appeals to people that were the victims and poor and were the victims of northern capitalists and northern industrialists and nathan bedford forrest played on that, he was literally the creator in some sense of the ku klux klan, that career started at shy low. let me just try to conclude that i was trying to do in this book. and that was to look at-batal and to say yes, wars have strategic consequences and there is an art of war that has tactics, but there's also something different. there's something about time that's compressed with lives on the line, that create ideologies and experiences that galvanize people for the rest of their lives, either for the

there were a bunch of southern groups trying to recapture southern -- ku klux klan. there were a bunch of southern groups trying to recapture southern pride. but there was one, people rumored they offered it to robert e. l sub stain ated. -- sub stain there was one man the southern poor, this particular group were poor who they couldn't survive with the up ity blacks and southerners and this white supremist group was different than the other one. it did have pretensions of a plantation class and it had this new image that people were ghosts and who better to show this than the man who was at shilo. look at what he said. there is no habeas corpus and there are thousands of troops in the south. he said i can assure you fellow citizens and he wrote this to a newspaper, i, for one, do not want anymore war. i don't want to see anymore bloodshed nor do i want to see anyone armed to shoot down white men. if there is a war upon us, i will tell you, that i shall not shoot any blacks unless i see a white radical. if they send the black men to hunt the ku klux, shoot the radica

this is a ku klux klan banner om the knights of the ku klux klan and as you know the klan began after the civil war, it sort of goes underground, and then it sort of bursts new as a result of the film "the birth of a nation" and the klan becomes not a southern phenomena but ' and 30s and this banner is what people would use to celebrate their investment and their participation of the clue clux klan. so these are the kind

what you're looking at in the case is an authentic robe of the ku klux klan. the klan was actually formed in polas polaski, tennessee in 1866. at the height. k -- height of the klan movement, we were told they had 600 members. we consider them to be the first terrorist group because of the way they terrorized, murdered and attacked people. this is the 1900s skpch. and this is a part of the era where black people and the organization started to become more visible to promote unity and civil rights for people. this is the era where the naacp came into being at this time. ida b. wells, roy wilkins. this part of the movement kind of symbolizes different agendas as well. you had people preaching for better equality when it came to jobs and economic development and education, and then you have people like ida b. wells here who, at a very young age, at 14, was already a schoolteacher. but her passion was to actually publ publicize the atrocities. she would write stories about the lynchings and she would public photographs about the black men who were lynched througho

this is a ku klux klan banner. it began after the civil war, and it goes underground and then it sort of bursts new as a result of the film "the birth of a nation." and the klan becomes not a southern phenomena, but a national phenomena in the '20s and '30s and this banner is the kind of thing that people would use to celebrate their investment and their participation in the ku klux klan, so these are the kind of things that we have to make sure we tell the painful stories as well. and then i think that one of the things that is reallyis to recognize that so enough of what shapes a community is work. and so we wanted to make sure that we found things that would give people an understanding of the way that black america worked. and one of the most important stories, often a story that's not clearly understood, is the story of the pullman porter. this is a wonderful thing. in some ways we've become to a point where pullman in a stereo way as people who only served, who actually worked on the railroad to make sort of,

he begins to associate with the nazi party, begins to associate with the ku klux klan. you see the trial and errors of his criminal behavior. you became a member of the nazi part and the ku klux klan. >> that was in 1973. then -- >> you weren't a member very long. >> just a year with that one. i didn't speak with any of them. they were filled with fbi informants and people trying to get information from you. >> how did these groups think about you? you weren't there for a very long time, were they too conservative for you? >> they were mostly weren't doing anything, you know? most of them were into talking. the average klansman and average nazi, they're all talk, and that's it. >> what were you into? >> i was into action, you know, doing things. i wanted to actually do something. i wasn't sure specifically what i wanted to do. >> so you became kind of a loner? >> yeah, you got to be because you can't trust anybody. >> i thought when he gave that explanation, he was more or less legitimizing why he left that organization. part of the reason is because they weren't extrem

okay, david duke -- he was the head of the ku klux klan -- give me a break. is it a label just for the sake of being pc, politically correct? especially since i didn't mean any offense. you have to be sensitive to those who might be offended, thus we have the reason for using the n-word instead of the word nigger. but how am i supposed to know that? i'm not some mind-reading gypsy, and then he krekcorrects him, ts rumanian, you bigot. >> we often sit in this class during this discussion saying in the 1950s and 1960s, certain words were used in fairly regularity. these were examples of derogatory terms and they were used in open form, and you understood because there was a context. nobody came to you because it sounded like another word. they didn't come after you at all. nowadays it becomes harder to explore these words and why they're appropriate and why they're not. particularly in literature. yes? >> me and my little brother used to watch "all in the family" every single night, and i didn't realize it was offensive until i was like older. i was just thinki

freedom and they have to build a new world for themselves, in the world of discrimination, violence, ku klux klan. so they start churches, schools, schools and churches. and one writer says schools break out like wild flowers and define a school as anyplace where three people gather together and one of them can read and write. by the 1960s, we have 100 african-american colleges in the united states. we've got tulsa, we've got wilmington, and all of these communities become targets for white mobs. because white supremacy says african-americans, that no black person can do any better than the poorest white person. that's right. this goes on. now, so our reality in terms of the political and whatever is a little different. now, we're also operating in a community -- and the reason why i went to holing springs as a civil rights worker is because they were 70% black. if we can get register a few people to vote without getting them killed, we can elect a sheriff and a judge. by the time barack obama gets elected in 2008, there were 19 million african-americans registered to vote, 405 black mayors in th

she was running for governor, and she sflulfully uc won that after, in a runoff election with ku klux klan candidate. she became the governor. and we had an issue about how to educate children who are primary spanish speakers. back then, they just said, do we teach them in english or in spanish? m.a. ferguson was asked that when she was governor in 1923 or 1924. she said, how do we teach children who are primarily spanish speakers? and she responded what is the most infamous quote in texas political history when she said if english was good enough for jesus christ, it's good enough for the skilled children of texas. now, i don't know if that's true. i don't know if that's lore or legend. but it brings history right into today, and it makes people think about, you know, maybe there are some lessons to be had from what's occurred before. similarly when today you'll get to go to the archives. i think it's one of the options and we, have you know, i think the eye-watering documents over there. a couple of them are illustrative of i restoration. so you may not be able to see it. but we have a l

he was the head of the ku klux klan. give me a break. it's more patronizing some label just for the sake of politically correct especially since i didn't peen any offense. he's saying his meaning should be taken more importantly than the word he used. thus we have the reason for using the "n" word instead of the word niggeer. how am i supposed to know that? i'm not some mind reading gypsy. >> he says that's romanian reading skrik you bigot. >> if you think how many times we change our language for fear of offending someone. part of our discussioning is we often said in our class during the 1970s and 1960s certain words were used with fair regularity in media and print and no one was offended. we talks about all in the family" where they used nigger, wop, kike. because it sounded like another word, they didn't come after you at all. nowadays it becomes harder to explore these as language particularly in literature. >> speaking of all in the family, me and little brother used to watch that every single night. i didn't realize that it was o

where martin luther king delivered his "i have a dream" speech and pennsylvania avenue, where the ku klux klanarched. lonnie bunch is not shieg away from controversy. >> how do you think people in the museum will respond to a ku klux klan robe? >> some will be surprised. some will be angry. how dare you have that in a museum that tells a story. but my feeling is that you can't understand the heights without understanding the depths. >> taxpayers will pay half of the $500 million cost. the rest will come from private donations. it won't open to the public for another three years. a short wait, if you consider that the museum was first proposed 99 years ago. for "cbs this morning," chip reid, washington. >>> i love the story. phil freelon is a north carolina architect. an african-american. his wife is a wonderful jazz singer. i was in north carolina several years ago, he was working on this. he was proud to be able to do this. it's a long time coming. this is a good moment for america >> it's a great moment. amazing to think, as chip pointed out, that this was proposed 99 years ago. it took this

way the last time they really made a decision in this area was 1964 involving publicly kag of a ku klux klanindividual who spoke at that rally that he was inciting violence. and the court has said unless you can prove that the person involved in the publication and the person making the speech knew that what they were doing was going to cause imminent violence, there's no crime and you cannot be prosecuted. so in the case of the website here, they're going to say we're not trying to inspire violence. and as a matter of fact, our publication of this has given the police evidence to investigate. so they're going to say we're actually helping law enforcement. that would be a hard defense to get around. and the other thought i would leave you with having watched your coverage of what's going on in syria, the syrian government would probably love to come in and say publication of those videos are in-smiring rebels to attack legitimate soldiers of the syrian government. and that's exactly the kind of suppression of free speech i think that we try avoid in the united states. >> you would wish there

would have to be in the house pitch black as they were hiding in fear of death threats from the ku klux klane the lights through the house. my dad woke up one night, turned over and saw one of his church members sitting down his bed and my uncle's bed with the double gauge shotgun. so realizing those things, to me, my grandfather taught me that in my own way that there are things that the younger generation has to do. my generation and the younger ones just as the young generation was doing back during the movement. going to jail, the sit-ins. it's up to us. to do that, i like to call it the three b's that i learned from one of my frat brothers when he visited us at college. the power of the three b's. the first b is the book, which means that we fight against inequality through education. the second b is the ballot, which means that we get involved in our political system and we vote. we do not take voting as if it's something just to do. people die for it. and then the last b is the buck. meaning that we use our economic empowerment and our wealth to change the face of this world, change t

they won their seats despite fierce threats of violence against groups like the ku klux klan. one of these members was a slave who earned his freedom through service to the union in the civil war. he settled in florida and was repeatedly elected to congress at-large. in some ways, mr. speaker i carry the torch. in 1876, the democrats contested his election and had him replaced mid-term with one of their own. no black republican would again be elected from florida to this house until november 2 of 2010 when the voters of that state entrusted me to be their representative. on my desk in my office, there is a book called "capital men" and a biography of those first black members of congress. and i stand with walls and the early black members of congress once stood turner of alabama are long of georgia, delarge and rainy all of south carolina. they were the ones who carried that first torch for my colleague tim scott. they would have stood here urging support for policies of equal opportunity for all. mr. speaker i stand here this evening to recognize their legacy. the republican