host: who is marcus garvey? gerald: he was a jamaican by birth and he simply believed he wanted to uplift people of african descent and they had to believe in themselves and have a collective economic coach. if you look at what he was able to do in galvanizing millions of black people but also in the caribbean, it probably doesn't get too much attention. host: what was it like growing up in your family? gerald: my father was an entrepreneur. he owned a restaurant and he believed in an honest days work. my mother was also involved with work. they instilled in me the importance of education. host: when did you move to los angeles? gerald: i was born in lake charles that then i went on a -- but within a month i was on a flight to los angeles were my parents already lived. host: what do you remember about your schooling there? you went to a community college first step. gerald: i came of age in the 1970's in los angeles. it was the crenshaw district where they were mostly families who were transplants. many of them

i was a teacher at the marcus garvey school. when my favorite students walked up to me and said i have to leave because my parents can no longer afford tuition. what we have is a as life would have it, a gentleman walked in with a petition and said we have something called a petition and what we would like to do is get enough signatures on a ballot so that we can push the voucher initiative so that we can get public money to children who can go to private schools. using the example that i had i said this is an option for some students and not all. it is an opportunity that some students would take advantage of. host: where is california on vouchers? gerard: in 1993, i was actually able to get parents to sign a petition and the ballot was presented to california voters and it was soundly defeated 70-30 and in 2000 a similar vote took place. we have seen the same thing happen in michigan. that is from the california perspective. charter schools have grown but if you look at the voucher movement, it is starting to slowly but surely

in 1992 i was a school teacher at the marcus garvey school in los angeles. one of my favorite students walked up to me and said i'm going to have to leave here because my parents can no longer afford to pay tuition. as life would have it a gentleman walked into our school with a petition and went to our principal and he said, we have something here called a petition. and what we would like to do is to, get enough signatures on a ballot so we can put the voucher initiative before the california voters so that we can give public money to children who can go to private schools. using the example that i had, i said this is an option for some students, not all, but an opportunity that some students would actually take advantage of if they had t host: where is california on vouchers? mr. robinson: in 1993, i was actually able to get parents to sign a petition, a ballot was presented, california voters, and soundly defeated 70-30 in 1993. in 2000 a similar vote took place, same 70-30. seeing the same thing happen in michigan. that's from the california perspective.

marcus garvey has a view, pan africanism. we cannot be america. there is no way.hy don't we just leave? they put him in prison. after they put him in prison, they deported him. -- why don't they go back to africa? we don't want black people to leave here. people in america need to stop being in denial. host: thanks for your call. we will hear next from congressman peter welch from vermont, a bernie sanders superdelegate. we will talk about the endorsement of hillary clinton. , a trump bruce ash supporter. he is chairman of the party's standing rules committee. he will talk about the various stop trump efforts. more "washington journal" coming up here. ♪ republican week's national convention, c-span's cities for will explore the history and literary life of cleveland, ohio. how transportation shaped the in "cleveland: a history in motion." then, we will visit the cleveland public library and explore its langston hughes collection. >> it was at central that he developed his love of writing. he was introduced to the work of walt whitman through his teacher, miss weim

capitalism, lack internationalism was developed and directed by figures as -- but also figures like marcus garvey. in the longer paper i talk about the analysis of -- he tried to us issue eight -- to a situate -- -- enerally most notably he called for a closing of ranks. and an african-american attend at a better citizen project. we can talk more about that. our black internationalist causes generated out of this moment. egalitarian legal peace and internationalism was was given at springboard for the world war i moment. advanced andwere applied by the settlement. are someone deserving of at least a partial grand strategist it has to be jane adams. and the second american woman to win the nobel peace prize. particularly blind to race issues sometimes, it was a really important organization that soft to make the interwar years a postwar era. this doesn't work as neatly for internationalism. that strand comes together with peace internationalists to push for the impact. to outlaw war as an instrument of national policy, the goal was to make this a postwar era. and that was a nonbinding act of moral

though there have always been people who follow the precepts of bishop turner, marcus garvey, going back to africa, but the won where blacks live separately in the country or ones where blacks were back to africa, the precursor of the naacp said any discrimination based on race or color is barbarous. we cannot have it. determination based solely on peculiarities based on color or skin is an unreasonable human savagery of which the world should be thoroughly ashamed. most black organizations, therefore, worked tirelessly to read america of that barbarous discrimination. they worked tirelessly for black human, civil, social, economic, and political equality. for the most part, when african-americans excepted segregation at all, it was accepted as a measure of self-defense that was necessary to fight oppression and to build a community strong enough to withstand the insults and injury of jim crow and all that went along with it. black people developed "parallel institutions" as a measure of self-defense. black sororities and fraternities, black colleges, the black church, black professional

though there have always been people who followed the precepts of bishop turner and marcus garvey and envisioned blacks going back to africa, the predominant vision was not one where blacks lived separately or immigrated back to africa. the members of the niagara movement said in 1995, "any discrimination based simply on race or color is barbarous. we care not how hollow it be by custom, expedience or prejudice. discrimination based simply and solely on physical peculiarities, place of birth, color of skin, are relics of that unreasoning human savagery of which the world is and ought to be thoroughly ashamed. most black organizations, therefore, worked tirelessly to rid america of that barbarous discrimination. they worked tirelessly for black human, civil, political and social equality. for the most part when african-americans accepted segregation at all, it was accepted as a measure of self-defense that was necessary to fight oppression and to build a community strong enough to withstand the insult and injury of jim crow and the lynching that went along with it. black people develop