yes. >> detective mark wilson was sitting in his office when a most unexpected call came in.source, who said he had information on mike snyder. >> who was this confidential source? >> somebody that was a friend with michael sheffield. >> ellen's son? >> ellen's son. >> the man's name was patrick, a 26-year-old motorcycle tech nick. he and ellen's son, michael, had gone to high school together and were close friends. >> he had been living with me in my house, with my son, for a month. they lived there rent free. >> out of the goodness of your heart? >> because he was my that will's friend, yeah. tefls he was a good kid. they needed this break. >> not only was he michael sheffield's good friend, patrick was ellen's employ eye at the kawasaki dealership where she was working as the service manager. >> my boss was giving me a lot of heat about patrick's productivity and his comebacks. so he told me in december that i needed to let him go, but he wanted to wait until after christmas. i kept him much longer than i would have because he was a friend. >> the first week of january, 20

mark wilson asks, could sport stadiums allow limited fans, if they we re stadiums allow limited fans,s that an option, rob? well, we are already seeing it in taiwan, where they are doing baseball with about 1000 spectators in the stadium and they will mark off seats that can't be used. so it is showing a path forward to be able to bring fans back into the stadium, even as the coronavirus persists. it is obviously, it requires a heavy logistical setup to ensure that is in place and again, we have heard from the government medical experts that one of the risks is people travelling to the stadiums, it is the going on public transport, meeting in pubs beforehand, potentially, which can the coronavirus. that we are seeing the path forward from somewhere like taiwan. the netherlands are saying they can't get any fans in stadiums for some time, particularly without a vaccine. yes, and actually this ties in with gerard. how can football be played while maintaining social distancing? looking at those gains yesterday, in those defensive positions, you can't. they were banding together, once the

military economy on the verge of privatization, de-regularization, and demilitarization, to use mark wilson's leg and characterization. for our purpose, three features of eisenhower's discourse in the industrial complex stand out, and mark as a precursor of today's talk -- today's talk of a deep state. but rather he presented the military industrial as a powerful, somewhat hidden center of power from within. and his rendering of the industrial complex was nothing less than an autonomous network of power outside of view of democratic control, and straddling the public-private device. second, the invocation of a military-industrial complex represented a move away from images eisenhower used before when describing what he considered to be the following condition of america live -- life in politics. that state is described as a unified structure, and inevitable develop mental destiny, leaving remarkably little room for meaningful civilization. prior to 61, eisenhower repeatedly talked about the intending -- the impending garrison state and its grim paraphernalia without going into too much detail

as mark wilson has suggested, there were at least two broader contexts nor this mobilization in the work of the committee. first a vigorous transnational politics to confront the systemic problems causing the war. second the u.s. debate about the merits of increased public ownership, control and regulation in a military industrial sphere that was already effectively seminationalized. the debate also linked to other political struggles over public enterprise. most direct is the origins lay in the effort of the women's international league for peace and freedom, which in 1932 had asked congress to investigate the munitions industry. so there was nothing particularly outlandish about the investigation of the committee, including its share to repeat the talk about a full scale nationalization of the armaments industry. the political mobilization against the armaments industry and the committee investigation was framed in the terms of the populous persuasion, setting the people against the interests and warning in conspiratorial terms against the interest of the political process for their ow

mark was in 1912. the election, the four-way election between taft, woodrow wilson, theodore roosevelt, and the fourth major candidate who was eugene webs. he pull ed 6% of the votes. i think everyone across that spectrum would have defined themselves as a progressive. so again, let's put some more fine notes on our definition of progressivism. it was a commitment to some sort of reform in society. i think too often in u.s. history classes we talk about the federal level of progressivism. i want to tell dwlu it is really starting at the grass roots in cities and states and territori territories. and it was perfectionism. there is no one way of doing things if you consider yourself a progressive, but it is a mood and attitude toward a change in politics, right? that is one in which you think things can be improved. in that sense as i will talk about through the rest of lecture, there is worry and concern. there is also incredible confidence and they can be improved. and again we have the tension between the did democracy. i wrote the first lecture. history changes but not that fast. this is the first y

communication director mark water will be on to talk about the michael flynn investigation and president trump's reelection strategy. also, former republican strategist with wilson cofounder of the anti- trump group the lincoln project, discusses why his group opposes president trump's reelection. watch c-span's "washington journal", live at seven eastern on thursday morning, join the discussion. ♪ ♪ yes house returns friday at 9:00 a.m. eastern for legislative business to debate and vote on a coronavirus relief package. the bill provides for over $3 trillion : : : >> sign up today for c-span's newsletter word for word providing new updates daily to the coronavirus pandemic response from state governors, the white house task force briefings and important updates from congress, sign up today it is easy, go to c-span.or c-span.org/connect and enter your e-mail and the word for word sign-up box. >> due to the coronavirus pandemic, the supreme court was holding or arguments come alive this week via teleconference, of next we show you two cases from earlier today that involve state popular votes in the electoral college, later legal scholars reviewed the two cases in

mark of the progressive era was in 1912. the election, the four way election between between taft woodrow wilson. roosevelt who came out of retirement and rent is the head of the progressive party also known as the bull moose party. as well as the fourth major candidate eugene depths, a socialist. he came through the labor movement and considered himself a socialist. he pulled 6% of the votes in that 1912 election. almost 1 million votes. again, i think everyone across that spectrum would find themselves in some sense is a progressive. so let's put some more -- fine notes on our definition of progressivism. progressivism was a commitment to some sort of reform in society. often using local, state or federal governmental means. i think too often in u.s. history we talk about the federal level of progressivism. it turns into this discussion of wilson versus roosevelt. i want to say it's really starting at the grassroots in cities and states and territories and moving upward towards the federal level. it was a form of perfectionism by which i mean the belief that society could be perfected using pro

markings on the plane were north korean or chinese. the other was -- one of the other political things that came up, another one a company wilson center, is from the notary commander in charge in both korea, veselnitskay. he tell stalin, and i'm glad this it wasn't me having to do this, at the same time, we consider it necessary to report that our pilots'work will be discovered by u.s. troops right after the first air combat, because all the control and command over the combat of the air will be conducted by our pilots in the russian language. here, they realized the tell. the town would be their communication in russian language and it would be detected by the u.s. september of 1950, before the soviets and stalin and the decision to send pilots. something they did in november. this language issue is one of the funnier anecdotes that came out of this research. at the end of the cold war, americans were trying to find veterans of the korean war and interview them. when they interviewed, was that the instructions they received to speak in chinese were dangerously unrealistic. " it worked until the first real fight in the air, but we forg

historians do largely agree on is that the high mark of the progressive era was in 1912, the election, the four way election between taft, woodrow wilson, theodore roosevelt who decided to come out of retirement, come back from african safari and run as the head of the progressive party, also known as the bull moose party, as well as the fourth major candidate that year, eugene deb's, a socialist whose readings you read today about how he came through the labor movement to consider himself a socialist. he pulled 6% of the votes in that 1912 election almost 1 million votes. everybody across that spectrum would have the find themselves in some sense as a progressive. again, let's put some more fine notes on our definition a progressive him. progressivism was a commitment to some sort of reform in society often using local state or federal governmental means. i think too often in u.s. history when we talk about federal level of progressivism, it turns into the discussion of wilson versus roosevelt. i want to tell you that it is really starting at the grassroots in cities and states and territories, moving upward to the federal level. it w

markings on the plane were north korean or clps. one of the other things that came up, another one from the wilson center is from the military commander in charge in northern north korea in september of 1950 to stalin about the initial proposal to send russian pilots who tell stalin and i'm glad this wasn't me having to do this, at the same time we consider it necessary to report that our pilots work in the skies over pyongyang will be discovered by u.s. troops right after the first air combat because all of the control and command will be conducted by pilots in the russian language. so here they realize the tell, right. like in poker. their communication would be in the russian language and that would be detected by the united states and this is in september of 1950, before you the soviets and stalin made the decision to send pilots which is something they did in november. and funny enough this language issue is one of the sources of one of the funniest anecdotes. after the end of the cold war journalists tried to find veterans and interview them and they said the instructions to speak in chinese while flying combat missions was unre

it is that he marked the year, 1912, that the presidency was transformed from a constrained and constitutional into a populist office when you have both wilson and roosevelt saying the president as a steward of the people who directly channeled their will. you have a bit -- a different vision of the presidency. taft thought it was a threat that could lead to demagogues and the mob and president scurrying favor with factions by making demagogic appeals. therefore, threatening liberty. today, we are seeing the fulfillment not only because of the current incumbent but because of social media, it allows presidents to communicate directly with the people in a way that madison would have found a nightmare. this danger of demagoguery. the president is so salient. he occupies so much airtime to we can personalize the government in her that he will distract us through his tweets and virtues and -- for trees from paying attention to look at the questions of public policy and constitutional law that require a lot more time and attention then click takes. we are absolutely -- than click takes. >> we also started with the greatest american, george washin

constitutional significance, yards -- he marked the year 1912, that the presidency was transformed for constraint constitutional office to a populist one. you have both wilson and roosevelt saying that the president is steward of the people who channels there will. then you have a different vision of the presidency than the framers imagined. taft was a threat of the separation of powers that could lead to demagogue -- demagogues. favor by making demagogic appeals. today we are seeing the fulfillment of some of those fears not only because of the current income it but because of social media which allows presidents to communicate directly to the people in a way that madison would have found a nightmare. he says direct communication between the president and the people is the worst thing that can be imagined because of the danger of the -- demagoguery. the president is so salient and occupies so much airtime, that the danger is he will distract us through his tweets and personal virtues. keep us from paying attention to serious public -- serious questions of public policy and constitutional law that require a lot more time and attention than quick takes. i th

communications director mark lauder will be on to talk about the michael flynn investigation and president trump's reelection strategy. also former republican strategist rick wilsoncofounder of the anti-trump group the lincoln project, discusses why his group opposes president trump's reelection. live "washington journal," thursday morning. join the discussion. watch testimony from the former high-ranking scientist whose focus was vaccine development and most recently removed from his post at the national institutes of health. the house energy and commerce committee's will hear from him on scientific integrity during the covid-19 response. watch the hearing live thursday at 10 a.m. eastern on c-span, online at c-span.org, or listen live on the free c-span radio app. friday the u.s. house and the house will again meet to address the coronavirus pandemic. money would go to support state and local government, coronavirus testing and treatment, and deliver new cash payments to americans. the house also plans to take up a temporary rules change to allow members to vote remotely. and lawmakers plan to continue social distancing measures on the house floor, so a lengthy

philadelphia mayor wilson goode is calling for r philadelphia to formally apologizize for the 1985 bombing of civilians from the radical, black liberation, anti-police-brutality group move. today marks the 35th anniversary of the police operation that killed six adults and five children and destroyed over 60 homes. despite mumultiple investigatios finding top ofofficials were grgrossly nenegligent, no one hs been c cminally chcharged. mayor goode, who was in office at the time of the attack and himself has apologized, said an official apology would allow the community to "begin to build a bridge that spans from the tragic events of the past into our future. many in the city still feel the pain of that day. i know i will always feel the pain." and those are e some of the headlines. this is democracacy now!, democrcracynow.org, the quarante report. when we come back, we will spend the hour with naomi klein discscussing how two of the nations top s scientiststs tolde senate committee tuesday that needlessss death would result if states reopen too soon. and we will look at her new piece in the intercept called "screen nenew deal: under coverf mass death, andrew cuomo calls in thehe bill

significance it is that he marked the year 1912 that the presidency was transformed from a constrained and constitutional into a popular an populace office when you have wilson and roosevelt saying that the president is a steward of the people who directly channels their will then you have a very different vision of the presidency than the framer. taft thought it was a threat to the madisonian separation of powers that could lead to demagogues and the mob and to presidents curing favor with factions by making demagoguic apeels and therefore threatening liberty. today we're seeing some of the the fulfillment of those fears not only the current incumbent but because of social media. direct communication between the president and the people the is the worst thing that can be imagined because of the danger of demagoguery. the president occupies so much air time, can personalize the government in him or her that the danger is that he will distract us from his tweets and personal virtues from paying attention to serious complicated questions of public policy and constitutional law that require a lot more time and attention than quick takes. so, yes, i think we're

corpus, wilson's espionage act, roosevelt japanese internment and the patriot act, our leaders have often suspended individual rights. how does the ethical reader strike the right balance to markhe believes the risk to the nation justifies a temporary suspension. >> great question, these are also good. we are in such a moment area and we democrats, i'm not a democrat. and basically i have been my entire life except for a couple of those votes for republicans. we have to be careful that whatever we think now the current moment, we hold true to a democrat is elected president. at the important principle for all americans is to stand up for the same ethical standards no matter who is president. so to give president trump the benefit of the doubt, these are hard questions how to save people right now means removing certain protections and one way we might be safer is if we let google and apple follow everywhere we go on our phones all day long. i understand why they would want to do it, so they can track anyone who has the disease but it's obviously troubling or anyone who cares about civil liberties so it's not just that we need to keep an eye on the federal government, we need v

mark. i would also feel the sort of way of thinking and speaking actually put this on the really especially terrible funding. for the fight that is coming ahead. ruth wilson gilmore: i agree. naomi: there are many excellent questions. i don't feel strange just keep talking with no feedback but i want to let you know that you are getting all kinds of! and yes thank you, the toxicity of criminal justice major at colleges. questions about that all men are saying, how we fight with the higher education and there are a lot of questions about distinction between antistate state in the prostate state pro. and how do we break the logic of those borders and cages and also how do we break the economic and emotional logic of this. ruth wilson gilmore: i think i wrote a book about the economical side of this. i do know for speaks of the level two how you are what you would like. at the end of the book, what is to be done, is kind of how to, was laid out secretly. i wish i were the kind of person to speak to other people thing. [laughter]. but the point of the ending of that book was to lift up the merry struggles so the people could look into the struggle and see up.

wilson -- i won't take credit for this. chris hayes has said this a lot -- what is remarkable about donald trump, if there is a lot of marks,s one of them, right? he's one of the people they use. he's his own customer, consuming his own product. the grift is so real. the as the president's inner circle prepared to take office, brad parscale's effort to created an affiliate pro-trump super pac days after his, and he registered a new firm in august, which he split with the co-owner of his san antonio firm. he sold his half to a penny stock company called cloud commerce, then went on to purchase a compete data it data propia. do you think that trump understands people are doing that to him? >> i think trump would shoot at him through one metric. he's shoveled hundreds of millions on to facebook and other advertising outlets and his numbers are right where they were. his return on investment is terrible. he is kind of a sucker. these guys are playing him, milking him like a cow. i never want to see that image in my head again, but they are taking donald trump to the cleaners. and brad has spent an enormous amount of money and t

wilson. talk about why he opposes the president's reelection. the vote tomorrow supposed to take place in the house, the tag of $3 trillion. here to talk is congressman markalker. by chairman of the republican congress -- conference. guest: glad to be with you. . host: talk about -- what issues might you have with the legislation? i think it is a huge wish list with many things not connected to covid-19. theyusly there are things can draw a line too, but this is not the time or the moment to largestin the legislation to work on things partcannabis, salt tax this is a very serious time. a couple of republicans, i do not see this getting traction. host: if you took away those ,ssues you have concern about and only stepped two dollar figures, you could support? guest: it is a problem. the other three phases of the legislation we passed for unemployment and small businesses has been bipartisan. committees have met, we have worked together. all of the legislation has passed. -- somem 96% congressman had issues with unemployment rules. when you are talking about something of this mandate to, that -- this magnitude, that the speaker would craft this with her tea