nixon camp. was in the goldwater conservative and our research writing group was very conservative. the most conservative element in the whole nixon campaign, but we had liberals in there, too, and we were deeply divided over how we should deal with that, and sort of nixon was going along with my proposal, which is the american people want to crack down on the nonsense. you know they supported civil , rights and supported all these initiatives of the great society and see this happening. now they say the laws have got to be enforced. a poll taken found only two percent of the people in oregon, where we were campaigning, agreed with the students on the campus who were demonstrating, agree that they have a just cause and what they were doing was the right thing. so we had the country, the future silent majority, was being formed right there in 1968, in april. so then we move to may. may. in 19 -- in may, richard nixon was in the oregon primary. it was the last of the contested primaries. he had no

kirby at nixon headquarters.wanted to be sure to remind you to vote today. >> at nixon headquarters voters were offered rides to the polls. a common practice in both political parties. it began to snow in laconia. but that did not stop the voters from going to the polls. it looked so easy. a mark on a piece of paper. it was simple as picking out a new hat or selecting fresh vegetables for dinner. and it was done as casually. but in each voter's mind there was the feeling that his vote, his personal choice of a presidential candidate could make a difference. >> i declare the polls closed. >> now let's take a recap on what it's looking like. >> while ron went to mccarthy headquarters in manchester, dottie stayed in laconia. and she was finding it hard to wait for the final vote count. >> 316. over 50% of the vote. >> it was an upset. mccarthy made a surprisingly strong showing, and the young people who had worked for him suddenly had proof they could influence the national election by working for change within the

richard nixon did not coin the term silent majority until 1969, but richard nixon saw himself speakingfor that silent majority, which for him meant middle america, people who are not protesters or african-american -- african-americans rioting in the wheres and that is populism was a part of his campaign. the challenge in 68 was another very vocal populace and that was george wallace who was using very emblazoned populist language. richard nixon had to be careful to a certain extent because he could not run as a full populist campaign to steal the thunder away from george wallace. host: you said that term silent majority. for those who do not know, what the you mean? richard nixon claimed it in his speech in which he was asking for americans to back him up on the question of continuing the war in vietnam. aboutbefore he was continuing the war, but about to expand the war and especially in the cambodia he gave them -- in cambodia. he gave a famous speech where he said the country is under siege, there are these angry and very loud protesters, but there is this thing called the silent maj

this is a weird, weird choice that nixon made. even more so, did anyone remember the name bill rogers? i didn't think so. you're scholars, you actually do. nobody knows who he was. at the time when nixon picked rogers as secretary of state, it would have seemed like an inspired choice, preordained for success, that rogers was degrees continued to take his place in the pantheon with the atchisons and dulleses and john hayes of the world. he had been a long-time close personal friend of nixons, very important for the president and secretary of state have a close relationship. they had a collaboration on a case in the mid 1940's. he helped him on the checkers speech with this very searing experience for nixon. rogers was with him on that. they worked in the eisenhower administration when rogers was attorney general and rogers had gained tremendous experience running a large cabinet agency as attorney general. then he had had a successful legal career as had atchison and dulles. it would have seemed at the time, this is the himon-roge

he was very critical of nixon. that actually caused a lot more comments than the concession speech he gave. he said america was now more in danger of a one-man rule then at any point in history. i think that was in the realm of what is expected of a losing candidate. but the speech in oxford in 1973, a lot of people criticized him for saying those things, especially to a foreign audience. ms. brawner: we're going to move on to the legacy of george mcgovern what george mcgovern , did after he ran for president in 1972. but first we're going to get to ed in ohio. good evening. you need to turn the television down. caller: good evening. yes, good evening. there is an important article that george mcgovern wrote that , and it was "my advice to obama." it was when president obama was elected. he went on to say, first, why not order all troops out of iraq and afghanistan by thanksgiving. ms. brawner: we are getting a lot of feedback. needed to turn the television down. scott farris, pick it up there with george mcgovern

nixon. if you don't want to debate with the third party candidate, whose name shall not be mentioned, why don't you get your friends in the house of representatives to pass a special law permitting you and mr. humphrey to debate? >> have you ever looked at the membership on that committee? you know, it's always amusing when people say why don't i get the republicans to do something on the debate ort rest? let's remember the senate is 2-1 democratic. let's remember that the house is 3-2 democratic, and anytime that hubert humphrey with his great influence on his side wants a debate, i would think that he could get the democrats to pass. i think that my power in terms of what i can get the republican members in the house to do is greatly overestimated. democrats as well as republicans are insisting on the three-man debate. that's the problem as you know it. they're not opposing the debate but with wallace getting 21% in the poll -- i shouldn't have mentioned his name. with wallace getting 21%

nixon.ater in the campaign nixon pulled a few dirty tricks. so he came out for humphrey. he thought he might lose texas at the end, which he didn't want to do. he was really late in the campaign when he started to work for humphrey. pretty much during the whole campaign he was out of the picture and wouldn't help at all and held vietnam all over here. >> juan, back to civil rights. from the 1948 entry of hubert humphrey, he built his campaign on this, it came in really 1963 and '64 when civil rights legislation was being hut forward. tell that story, if you would briefly. >> humphrey's involvement is as the democratic whip in the senate. you have lbj as president, basically the inher tor of president kennedy's efforts to get civil rights legislation passed. but kennedy, there was some doubt about his commitment to this. what he was willing -- the price -- was he willing to pay the price in terms of the southerners who would oppose it. after the kennedy assassination, johnson expresses sort o

witcover: you have these protests that nixon played very effectively on. there were just as many people who deplored the mess in the streets, the pictures of these wild-looking young people with their long hair, strange clothes. they offended mainstream america. so, the war was particularly effective with dealing with the democratic situation. it was a rallying point for voters and activists. nixon also made great use of the war by making slanderous remarks against people who demonstrated. he ran in 1968 and again in 1972 on a law and order agenda. he was going to protect the american people from these rallies who were starting fires and having rallies in the streets. that is why the war -- it is painted now that the vietnam war really built the protest. it did do that, but it also solidified opposition to the war to the advantage of richard nixon. host: and so, scott farris, all of this and the impact of the war on mcgovern -- what did it do? mr. farris: i think it caused him to lose perspective a little bit, to be honest. he was so horrified by the war a

richard nixon did not coin the term silent majority until 1969, but richard nixon saw himself speakingr that silent majority, which for him meant middle america, people who are not protesters or african-american -- african-americans rioting in the wheres and that is populism was a part of his campaign. the challenge in 68 was another very vocal populace and that was george wallace who was using very emblazoned populist language. richard nixon had to be careful to a certain extent because he could not run as a full populist campaign to steal the thunder away from george wallace. host: you said that term silent majority. for those who do not know, what the you mean? richard nixon claimed it in his speech in which he was asking for americans to back him up on the question of continuing the war in vietnam. aboutbefore he was continuing the war, but about to expand the war and especially in the cambodia he gave them -- in cambodia. he gave a famous speech where he said the country is under siege, there are these angry and very loud protesters, but there is this thing called the silent major

nixon had it right. he kept telling the eisenhower people that they should ignore it, and it would go away. it would have, but eisenhower's people, particularly tom dewey, panicked and forced nixon to a public apology on tv. the gop should have done nothing. but this is of particular importance in the future. and this is an easy one. he makes it one of his crises. in his 1962 memoir. for richard nixon, everything would flow from the crisis and the checker speech. but in the presidential election, you've got to have pretty much a disastrous chain of events for the vice presidential candidates to mean anything. this was a picture that nobody ever thought would happen. eisenhower, when he was done, said that he felt dirty from the touch of joe mccarthy. but in milwaukee, eisenhower goes in and consciously, finally tracked this down through a lot of research, consciously deleted from a speech a reference that criticized mccarthy for criticizing general george marshall. calling him a dupe of communists. eisen

and a few of the spots that nixon and humphrey in 1968 and you'll see the change.ll in about doing creative advertising principles and emotional appeals by and large. this is first nixon attacking ♪ professor mann: needless to say, that spot offended the democrats a lot because it implied that humphrey was somehow laughing and making fun of poverty and ♪ >> it is time for an honest look at the problem of order in the united states. dissent is a necessary ingredient of change but in the system of government that provides for peaceful change, there is no cause that justifies resort to violence. let us recognize that the first civil right of every american is to be free from domestic violence. so i pledge to you, we shall professor mann: ok. now i want to look at a couple of humphrey spots, then we'll be done. >> ever notice what happens to blow? last year, he said, i oppose a federal open housing law. this year, he said i support the 1968 civil rights bill with open housing. again this year he said, i just supported it to get it out of sight. which way will he blow n

nixon.mpaigns are always flamboyant, and as the candidates moved across the country, they were surrounded by all the traditional vote-getting glitter. >> good to see you. >> is this your daughter here? >> yes. >> but there was a series purpose behind the banners and balloons. each candidate was meeting the people, giving them a chance to evaluate his thoughts as a potential president and to look closely at him as a man. >> nixon! >> laconia's people in the fall are part of one of nature's post impressive pageants. the leaves turn and the ducks drop in briefly on their way to the south, the countryside signals the end of a season with a stillness and grandeur, interrupted only by the sounds of children returning to school. the people of the united states went to the polls to elect their president. confronted by a decision that could hold the key to the nation's place in the world. but they knew that whoever the new president would be, he would receive the support of the entire nation as he wa

this, as nixon, carter, and now -- nixon, ford, and now carter, are going to grapple with his monumental problem. it is a gordian knot. >> yes. and not to give it away but it is history. nothing good is going -- >> spoiler alert. >> yes, nothing good is going to come of jimmy carter's very sincere efforts to grapple with the energy crisis. so jimmy carter comes into office in january 1977, and we might all remember one of the sort of iconic moments is when he gets out of the limousine and he is going to walk from capitol hill to the white house -- >> it's freezing that day. >> you just stole my line. >> i'm sorry. let go back. what was one of the iconic moments. >> so what is amazing we all remember this. what is amazing about this moment is it's one of the coldest days in all of washington's history. the country was suffering from this deep freeze. we recovered from that so, the country is suffering from -- so it's snowing in miami. this really unusual historic weather. and here he is, shedding his overcoat and walking, and it's a problem -- the energy crisis is a problem from day one a

this, as nixon, carter and now nixon, ford and now carter are going to grapple with a monumental problem. >> it is is a gordian knot. >> yes, and not to give it away, but it is history, nothing good is going to come. >> spoiler alert. >> nothing good is going to come of carter's sincere effort to grapple with the energy crisis. so jimmy carter comes into office in june or 77 and we might all remember one of the iconic moments is when he gets out of the limousine and he is going to walk from capitol hill to the white house. >> -- you just all my life. >> one of the iconic moments. >> so what's amazing is we all remember this. so what's amazing about this moment is it's one of the coldest days and all of washington's history. the the country was suffering from this deep-freeze. we recovered from that right and so the country is suffering and so it's snowing in miami, it's really this unusual historic weather and here he is shedding his overcoat and walking and it's a problem. the energy crisis is a problem from day one. it is not long before he appears on tv, this is the moment where he we

with the president, all america is going for nixon.n november 8. they understand what peace demands. [end clip] mr. mann: ok. just gives these little short speeches sitting on his desk. [video clip] >> ladies and gentlemen, the vice president of the united states. richard m. nixon. >> i would like to talk to you for a moment about dollars and cents. your dollars and cents. now, my opponents want to increase federal expenditures as much as $18 billion a year. how will they pay for it? there are only two ways. one is to raise your taxes. that hurts everyone. the other is to increase our national debt, and that means raising your prices, robbing you of your savings, cutting into the value of your insurance, hurting your pocketbook every day at the drugstore, the grocery store, the gas station. is that what you want for america? i say no. i say that we can remain the strongest nation on earth only through continuing our program of responsible government. >> vote for nixon and lodge november 8. [end clip] ok. here's another one that's very

i like to read richard nixon stuff. i like to read about richard nixon. fascinating politician of my life and i thought the things that he wrote were really quite good. >> did your reading help you in your work as a congressman? >> it does. history in particular provides a lot of context, a lot of analogies, frankly a lot of understanding because most people when they get to congress they sort of think history begins with them, but you're really stepping into the flow and if you read particularly contemporary history, a lot of interesting not only parallels but background quite frankly to what's going on. you want to understand congress. john berry wrote a book called the ambition and the power. berry is a substantive writer that -- what was it? gosh, 1927 flood mississippi, i think rising tide or something. but he happened -- he got hooked up with speaker wright before he realized they -- he was in his last year and he was going to write a book about congress and turned into, you know, the rise and fall of -- of, you know, speaker wright and there's a lo

that good-willed verbal sparring venues during nixon's visit. despite the obvious differences, there seemed to be a shared desire for peace. "said he, the two nations must work together to break the ice between them. one of the most effective moments of mister nixon's remarkable tour of russia." krushchev would agree to an invitation from president eisenhower to visit the united states in september. eisenhower to visit the united states in september. "i most sincerely hope that as you come to see and believe these truths about our people there will develop an improved basis on which we can together consider the problems that divide us." (khrushchev speaking in russian) would be this open with the u.s. and the last time richard nixon would meet with the man when our look back on the cold war continues, we remember when government plans to prepare the nation turned fear into a catchy tune. the clandestine deal that involved trading spys on a bridge and a presidential analogy world events for decades. plus, we look at when the threat got a whole lo

>> yes, richard nixon. people were hired to make phone calls to voters saying, hey, wouldn't it be a neat idea if richard nixon was drafted to be president. and this was richard nixon we're talking about, right? someone found out about it and a camera crew showed up and that became a cropper. but richard nixon was always scheming and scamming and hoping that goldwater and rock fell worry knock themselves out. there was this great herb block cartoon in which it showed rockefeller and goldwater having a shootout, you know, in the middle of an old western town. and nixon was rubbing his hands and richard nixon's political undertaker parlor. >> we, as always, want to hear from you. our phone lines are open. 202-737-0001 if you live in the eastern or central time zones. 202-737-0002 if you live in the mountain or pacific time zones. we'll also be getting questions from those here in the audience here at the goldwater institute. in just a moment, we'll show you some of political ads from 1964. you remember this c

of nixon, and ok considered nixon a mentor both politically and strategically. some of who became friends immediately after nixon lost his bid for the presidency in 1960. this tells you a lot about bush is such an that he gentleman that it does not occur to him that she -- he should write a letter of congratulations, just two letters of condolence. he became a correspondent with nixon in the 60's. power, i thinkd drove much of nixon and kissinger was one key of section -- exception. i think by their very nature they are pessimists. or at least skeptics. bush by his nature is an optimist. who by the way, surrounded himself with pessimists and skeptics. wrote -- i dry nixon think nixon wrote the same exact memo as kissinger about the need to keep nato going, except it was written in 1974. only the united states can keep europe together. -- kissinger spurgeon version in with, but man are we in trouble. bushes and with, it would be great to get this to work. >> thank you. i want to launch off of that point about the sunny temperament and optimism he have and take yo

they actually wanted to shoot president nixon, but he could not get close enough to president nixon. he essentially was released. he is now, after many years -- i cannot remember the exact date, -- >> 2007. >> i remember i was approached in 1999 about eight statement for his parole hearing. he was turned down at that time. is only in the last four years after all those years that he has been released. >> let's go back to 1965. george wallace is governor. he is living here at this governor's mansion in montgomery, alabama. governor martin lived -- rev. martin luther king had been pastor of a church at one block from the alabama state capital. there are marches from selma to montgomery. very quickly, dr. carter, why are these marches happening and what were their defects? >> the broader context was a voter registration effort on the part of african-americans. there were a whole series of these violent incidents. there was an assault on some demonstrators in marion, alabama in which one young man was killed by a state trooper. that was really the triggering episode they began to talk ab

richard nixon was rubbing his hands. richard nixon's political undertaker's parlor. we as alwaywant to hear from you. our phone lines are open. if you live in the eastern or central time zone. 202-737-0002 if you live in the pacific time sons. we also will get questions from the audience. it will show you political ads from 1964. you remember this campaign. how did lyndon johnson run against barry goldwater? was his tactic? >> rottenness. he ran a very smart campaign. he made barry goldwater the issue as opposed to the issues being the issue. the barry goldwater was painted as a crazy person. there were things put out by the johnson campaign that some groups of psychiatrists and a america came out with a statement that barry goldwater was mentally ill. some of you probably remember that. the nuclear bomb commercial which only aired one time. it got a lot of attention. it was designed by bill morris actually. it was a totally do the guy in kind of campaign. >> it is important to realize the nuclear stuff did not come out of nowhere. in his book he made a strong argume

nixon was drafted to be president of a and this is richard nixon and someone found out about it. and a camera crew showed up and that came across. but richard nixon was scheming and scamming and always hoping that goldwater and rockefeller were not knocking themselves out. there was this great cartoon in which it showed rockefeller and goldwater having a shootout, you know, in the middle of an old western town. and nixon was rubbing his hands and richard nixon's political undertaker parlor. >> we to want hear from you, our phone lines are open 202-177-0033. if you live in the mountain or pacific time zone, also getting questions from those here in the audience at the goldwater institute in just a moment, we'll show you some of the political ads in 1964, but you remember this campaign, how did lyndon johnson run against barry goldwater. what was his tactic? >> rottenness. no, johnson ran a very smart campaign. because he made goldwater the issue as opposed to the issues being the issue. and barry was painted as a, you know, crazy person. you know, i mean, there were things put out

one of nixon's first order is to shut agnew up and don't let him talk. you can't shut spiro agnew off. he goes on the david fall shawnee says that think it was murder too andy's horrified the white house but he went on to say come he went on to sort of say well it was murder to but it was inexcusable murder to. you can. more about that and then the next night, friday night what i call the night of the and you might remember this photograph. richard nixon gets a press conference and he thinks it's very successful. he goes back to his bedroom and he can't sleep. he makes 87 calls in three hours , 30 of them to henry kissinger and finally it 3:30 he shakes his ballet and he said have you ever been to the lincoln memorial? you have to understand the white house at this point is ringed by d.c. transit buses. the 82nd airborne are sleeping in the executive office building basement. there are tens of thousands of demonstrators at the mall to protest especially the kent state shootings in richard nixon decides it would be a great time to show manila the lincoln

what about nixon versus obama? the policies of -- richard nixon is far to the left of obama in many respects. >> let me -- in fact, i didn't want to go there, but you're right. nixon was on domestic policy -- >> oh, yeah. guaranteed income. >> so johnson versus obama, where would you -- given his initiatives, domestic policy initiatives and our man in d.c. >> there are, you know, the war on poverty, and i am critical of johnson in the war on poverty, but that's because that's our job as historians, to be critical of even figures and programs that we admire. johnson is a complicated figure, but the war on poverty and the policies of his administration, the promise of the principle of maximum feasible participation is something that i think we really, really need to return to. i think that if we want to, if we want to think about a road map or a precedent for policies moving forward, then we need to kind of look at some of the early really, you know, the earlier ideas that were emerging in the kennedy and the johnson

they actually wanted to shoot president nixon, but he could not get close enough to president nixon. he essentially was released. he is now, after many years -- i cannot remember the exact date, -- >> 2007. >> i remember i was approached in 1999 about eight statement for his parole hearing. he was turned down at that time. is only in the last four years after all those years that he has been released. >> let's go back to 1965. george wallace is governor. he is living here at this governor's mansion in montgomery, alabama. governor martin lived -- rev. martin luther king had been pastor of a church at one block from the alabama state capital. there are marches from selma to montgomery. very quickly, dr. carter, why are these marches happening and what were their defects? >> the broader context was a voter registration effort on the part of african-americans. there were a whole series of these violent incidents. there was an assault on some demonstrators in marion, alabama in which one young man was killed by a state trooper. that was really the triggering episode they began to talk ab

nixon is the one who came to be deeply concerned about him. as the campaign opened, nixon was so far ahead in the polls that it was only by the time you got to late september that he began to realize that humphrey was moving back a little bit, coming up in the polls, and what -- and wallace was pulling 20% of the votes. these were his voters, his political advisers felt. he had to figure out a way to get the support of wallace voters without directly attacking him. >> president nixon won in 1968. 31.7 million votes. 301 electoral votes. hubert humphrey, 31.3 million votes and 91 electoral votes. george wallace received nearly 10 million votes and 46 electoral votes. here is george wallace discussing the 1968 campaign. >> the support we have in at this region of the

he actually wanted to shoot president nixon, but he couldn't get close enough to president nixon. and he eventually was released and is now after many, many years -- i can't remember the exact date, but the late '90s, maybe early -- >> 2007. >> it was that long. i remember that i was approached in '99 about a statement for his parole hearing. and he was turned down at that time. it's only in the last four years after all those years that he has been released. >> just very quickly, let's go back to 1965. george wallace is governor, he's living here in this governor's mansion in montgomery, alabama. and there are -- dr. martin luther king had been pastor of the dexter avenue baptist church, a block from the alabama state capital. and there are marches from selma to montgomery. quickly, why are those marches happening, and what was their effect? >> well, the broader context is -- is the voter registration efforts on the part of african-americans. but there were a whole series of violent incidents. there was an assault on dell demonstrators in marion, alabama, in which one young man w

nixon for president? >> dan carter. >> no, he did not think much of nixon. and particularly after 1968 because in 1970 when governor wallace was running, his wife had died of course in office. hoover was going to run against former governor wallace. richard nixon put $400,000 in secret cash into the brewer campaign, and it didn't stay a secret all that long. moreover governor wallace always suspected that richard nixon was trying to destroy the him, which he was because nixon saw wa las as his greatest threat in 1972. so he made every effort that he could and certainly governor wallace was aware of that. >> dan carter in your book of "the politics of rage." 1972 campaign, george wallace started strong correct, before he was shot? slug >> absolutely. yes, he got more votes, by the end of the day he was shot he had more votes than any democratic candidate at the time. i don't think he would have gotten the nomination. it was a tremendous problem for the democratic party. >> after he was shot in 1972, richar

richard nixon, you've got a couple of pictures on the wall of u.n. richard nixon but that was before your political grid as governor of tennessee. >> guest: in fact edited with it because the first of i ran for governor, my democratic opponent called me nick sims choirboy. i worked in the nixon white house in 1969 and 70 for a man, a wonderful individual and a former eisenhower aid who has had and has enormous respect for everybody. so that was really the beginning of my political activity. i started before that with howard baker but that was early in my time. >> host: senator alexander, as president of the university of tennessee, what was your experience with the students when it came to reading and literature and some of the classes being taught? >> guest: i try to drop in on classes of interesting teachers. one of them was not there anymore, his name was richard married his. he taught at the university of us and when i was governor i created a governor's school for teachers of writing. he came down from harvard where he then taught the freshman w

and jackie robinson begged presidential candidate richard nixon to intervene when martin luther king was in prison. - yup. - and there were black democrats lobbying jfk. - [evan] right. - and nixon refused to do it, jfk did it. daddy king, who had committed all of his tremendous resources. you know, when a black preacher, particularly in the old days, says the lord spoke to me and said we should vote republican, it was yes, republican. (audience laughs) well he had done that. - yeah. - but after, jfk intervened to get martin out of jail, daddy king said the lord spoke to me again. (everyone laughs) - he said, hold on. - yeah. - wait a minute. - that roman catholic boy is not so bad. - i guess the question is often asked, you know i live in the state texas where the latino population will soon be in the majority. - [dr. gates] yes. - and has tended to be much more democratic than not and there are people in the rio grande valley who say the problem is the democrats have taken hispanics for granted.

nixon is the one who came to be deeply concerned about him. as the campaign opened, nixon was so far ahead in the polls that it was only by the time you got to late september that he began to realize that humphrey was moving back a little bit, coming up in the polls, and what -- and wallace was pulling 20% of the votes. these were his voters, his political advisers felt. he had to figure out a way to get the support of wallace voters without directly attacking him. >> president nixon won in 1968. 31.7 million votes. 301 electoral votes. hubert humphrey, 31.3 million votes and 91 electoral votes. george wallace received nearly 10 million votes and 46 electoral votes. here is george wallace discussing the 1968 campaign. >> the support we have in at this region of the country gives us an excellent base. it will go forth in the beginning with at least the 177 at laurel boats that comprise the states of the south -- electoral votes that comprise the states of the south. no new party movement has ever had the grass roots support that our movement ha

once the nixon administration moved to terminate and increasingly partnered its activities within the law enforcement assistance administration, community involvement in federal social programs looked largely relegated to the law-enforcement realm. even within the crime control apparatus only about 2% awarded the irving police department for other community-based programs. the white house and the justice department were far more interested in supporting measures that stimulated the omnipresent control defensible space and new law-enforcement technologies in low-income neighborhoods while using the police productions and anti-doping from the initiatives with the social welfare program. due to its own assumptions about race and its unwillingness to describe the hierarchy that has defined the social political and economic relations of the united states historically the bipartisan consensus did not believe that african-americans were capable of governing themselves. nixon expressed the sentiment overtly and there's never been an adequate black nation the president said and they are the on

we see this at the highest level taking off during the nixon administration so there is corruption among federal policymakers and the way they are being allocated dc it is very much reflected in the ways in which the friends and supporters get the grants and similar things happen with the war on poverty when the federal government introduces and begins funding and we see that it creates new channels as a favorable than the groups will emerge. the problem is that especially when you are dealing with these kind of more transformative programs with less oversight from the state officials, these programs are cut off before they are given a chance to work. one thing the book does well if we are going to talk about corruption and you did a good job giving an evenhanded amount of democrats and republicans, and i just wanted to have you comment a bit about what i perceive to be an issue of the disenfranchisement as a voting bloc in the government whether it is at the local level or the national level how has that sort of contributed to an inability from the part of ordinary citizens to actually

so that campaign that the nixon people ran, the one that featured the democrats for nixon, that's onef the most successful examples of poaching from the other side. now, all these years later, hillary clinton is trying to do a version of it as well. he's looking for republican validaritys, republican voices who will step forward and give republican voters permission to ditch trump and vote for a democrat. >> i'm hillary clinton and i approve this message. >> if he governs consistent with some of the things he's said as a candidate, i would be very frighten frightened. >> he's been talking about the option of using a nuclear option against our western european allies. >> this is not somebody who should be handed the nuclear codes. >> you have to ask yourself, do i want a person with that temperament in control of the nuclear codes? as of now, i'd have to say no. >> so the clinton campaign started running that ad today, and it introduced another type of val dater, not just the republican validator, a different type. call it the national security validator. these aren't all necessarily r

richard nixon was a very lucky man. he got him first, then he got harry blackmun and henry rehnquist. and that change enabled the reversal of orientation that we see in the court. so, i was signing books at the annual convention here and the judge i won't name came up and saw the stack of books said okay nothing much happens. i said read the book. [laughter] that's why we wrote the book. the sort of academic and political taking the court is that it was simply transitional. it's when nothing much happened. the revolution that wasn't is the title of the only book that has been written on the court as such which didn't go into the full 1978 and 1979 and it lasted until 1986. it really wasn't true. so, we can kind of tick off a member of the major initiatives of the court. but to situate it in the politics and social transformation of the time which is part of the effort of the book is worth thinking about the legacy that the court left. the racial segregation was unconstitutional. so the court pretty much left it at that