he recognises a stumbling block, and that is paul dacre, a man he needs to have on side. private flat in downing street, the camerons' home. from what i understand, the two chat amicably within the early—evening chaos of a family setting. the kids are still up, the tvs on, the two men share a glass of wine, and the prime minister asks his guest if he'll cut him some slack, just pull back a bit from some of the intense euroscepticism. the response from mr dacre is, i'm told, swift and uncompromising. he can't change his position on such a core principle, one he has held for some 25 years. his readers, too, viscerally eurosceptic — he owes it to them to show backbone. then, i'm told, he points to the television, showing pictures of migrants arriving in southern europe. "those are the pictures that will decide the outcome of the referendum," the prime minister is told. over the coming weeks, dacre sticks to his line. but not everyone at the paper is pro—brexit. lord rothermere, who owns the daily mail, is a known remainer. it will be rothermere who cameron approaches next. in

paul dacre shuns the limelight,

we've got in the written press in this country, there's a need, unhinged stuff that you get from paul dacre elsewhere, the bully boy tactics of those papers, and i understand thatjeremy corbyn and his team want to communicate with people that clearly they are not going to the pages of the... mail and other parts of the brexit press. jeremy corbyn may be looking to the us for inspiration on how to reach out to voters, but in common with all uk political leaders, his fortunes will be bound up with how the uk negotiates it way out of the eu. today, in the strongly pro—leave city of peterborough, he said he was no longer wedded to the principle of free movement. allies said this marked a shift in language and a recognition that brexit does provide an opportunity for wider reform of the labour market by cracking down on agencies that have used migrant labour to drive down wages. the more i get the impression that the differences now between theresa may and the principal party of opposition, the labour party, is basically one of nuance and detail rather than substance. they both say that there ha