>> snic wanted too many demands. >> they weren't really focused, right? >> they had an important goal in a specific -- one specific thing that they needed to get done. they never thought that is scoc was being too lenient in their demands and was only going to compromise with what they were given and wasn't going to go for a full -- >> so this is -- you really said that beautifully. i mean, snic wanted to get rid of the whole structure of segregation and albany hadn't figured out how to do that. sclc, which was made up of older people, by and large, right, generally men, ministers who wore suits and were a bunch more kind of personally conservative in their world view as opposed to these younger students, male and female, were not so formal. and they wanted to get rid of segregation all at once. and what did some of that -- some of that tension ended up focusing on martin luther king himself, right? what was the problem with people and king? what was going on there? hoe was in kind of a sophomore slump after montgomery. it had been going on for some time.

to simplify drastically, when impractically hear in the background snic or even dr. martin luther king jr. about the slowness of president john f. kennedy and the treachery of southern white moderates. when i arrived at princeton, though, and through our early years teaching together, jim was working on "battle cry of freedom" and he was working toward what jim referred to, jim oakes referred to, as a broader understanding of the politics of the war. part of that understanding involved a new appreciation of how fully military history, which figures much less strikingly in jim's earlier works than it has in the later ones, but how thoroughly military history was enmeshed with political history, including the history of the abolitionists. but it also involved an enhanced appreciation of lincoln's enormous political skills. his deep hatred of slavery and even his evolving views on race. the abolitionists as it happened did not believe abraham lincoln or pull him to see things their way so much as lincoln, the political master, who without once compromising his bedrock a

and joan mulholland and many of the other snic members were there and she collected it from the stained glass window from the 60th street baptist church and also in the street were a shotgun shell. in many ways th volumes about broken lives, but they speak volumes about the sort of use of violence to control, to battle racial integrati integration. but in some ways, something as simple as this speaks volumes to our audience. and violence is such a part of the way of understanding this. here is a button, and this is a button that is a celebration of the life of martin luther king. these buttons were produced right after king was assassinated in april of 1968. and so in some ways, this button gives the way people to be able to both symbolize their commitment to racial change, but as a way to remember the martyred life of martin luther king. and in many ways the challenge of the 1960s is really the transformation of america and what's the vision for that transformation. is it a vision of an integrated world. is it a vision of nonviolent sit-ins, or were there other alternative visions. and

and people in snic took to calling him. remember what they took to calling him? the lord, right. >> that's not just the lord, right? it's meant to be -- it's meant to kind of stick a little knife in and twist it some, right? they thought he was too pompous, too prone to make a relationship between himself and jesus, right? so they called him da lord. even though they respected him enormously but they also knew they were brp something a little different. so albany was fresh in everyone's mind, especially fresh in king's find and the sclc. so huge amount of failure. we know it's more than a sophomore slump. it's going on for a long time. no real successes for the movement. and then we come to birmingham. birmingham turns out to be really important. how did they approach birmingham? >> they were a lot more organized. >> they were a lot more organized. what did they call it? what did fred shuttlesworth, the guy on the ground in birmingham call it? project c, lena. that was c for what? c for confrontation. so what maris said about what was not happening in albany was