>> uh-huh. >> and strom thurmond saying some things. where did that come from?m x was from the cbs footage -- strom thurmond came from the -- it was a documentary on the 1963 march that was put out to u.s. aid. and it was a hour long documentary on the march and it was in there, i think. >> what's your philosophy when you do -- by the way, how long is this? >> it's just under two hours, an hour and 52 minutes, i think. a pbs two hours and 52 minutes. >> what is your philosophy about these people, how much do you assume your audience knows? >> i assumed they knew nothing so we tried to i.d. them at least three times. and it depended how long they were off camera and we didn't have to i.d. president carter more than once. >> here's hubert humphrey and strom thurmond in debate. >> ok. >> the showdown caught the public's attention but no cameras were allowed in the senate. is humphrey and thurmond agreed to take a piece of the debate to a television audience. >> and we know that fellow americans who happen to be negro have been denied equal access to places of publi

morally, i guess. >> strom thurmond was he a governor of the state of south carolina? >> governor then. he became senator. >> when did he switch parties, do you remember? >> after the civil rights bill and then you'll see him later on, of course, at the 1968 republican convention standing next to richard nixon, walking out with him. >> one of the things in that first clip that we saw was reference to 60 million people were listening. i know that was on television but very few people could even see that. >> right. >> how important was radio in those days? >> it was the medium. and the fact there were 60 million, maybe, i don't know, maybe 182 million in the country. that was a pretty good size -- when you consider it's a political convention, that's a pretty good group of people. and when i first read that early on i thought it must have been six million but i checked it more than once and there were 60 million people listening. the tv was on the east coast and sort of closed circuit and was to a few stations and was in d.c. the president watched it on tv. a very little

in madison in wisconsin, so they took me to the south of carolina, and they put me on trial in strom thurmond federal courthouse in charleston, south carolina. across the street was the confederate cemetery. from the courthouse, they flew two flags -- the u.s. flag and the confederate battle flag, which was the state flag of south carolina. from the court room, i could look out the window and seaport sumter in the distance -- see fort sumter. they put me on a case with no marijuana. they invented imaginary marijuana. they said i was charged with conspiring to contribute 10 tons of colombian marijuana. i pled not guilty. i had a jury trial. i was found guilty on one account, acquitted on nine. i had an appellate case and the supreme court case. i was then facing 15 years. since may to nine. when i went to federal prison, i did time in eight different states in nine different federal prisons, including four penitentiaries -- that is a maximum security. including the united states penitentiary at marion, the first super federal max. that is on a marijuana convention. -- conviction. i spent most

i sat with strom thurmond for almost 30 years in the judiciary committee, next to him on strom thurmond's death bed, literally on his death bed i got a call from his wife nancy. she said, joe, i just left the senator's room. and i said how is he doing? and she said in southern style and i mean this on a complimentary way he's on god's time. he asked me if you would do his eulogy. the idea that joe biden, a liberal civil rights kid who ran because of civil rights in 1972 would be doing strom thurmond's eulogy, which i did, and honestly did, is something no one could have imagined nor could i have. the point i'm trying to make here is, whether it was when mitch and i arrived and whether we expected we'd actually be able to work together, if you're open-minded, sticking closely to the principles that divide you from the other guy, but if you're open-minded, it's impossible not to see the other man's perspective. and we're the most heterogeneous society in the history of mankind. and without being able to see the other person's perspective, it's difficult for me to see how this republic can c

on strom thurmond's deathbed, i got a call from his wife, nancy. she said, joe, i just left the senator's room. i said, how was he doing? she said, he is on god's time. but he asked me to call you. i am standing here with his doctor. he asked me if you would do his to -- if you would do his eulogy. a liberal civil-rights kid who ran because the civil rights in 1972 would be doing strom thurmond eulogy, which i did and honestly did. it was something that no one could ever have imagined, nor could i have. the point i'm trying to make here is, whether it was when mitch and i arrived at whether we expected we would actually be able to work together, if you are open-minded, sticking closely to the principles that divide the from the other guy -- if you're open-minded, it is impossible to see -- to not see the other man's perspective. we are in the first heterogeneous society in the history of mankind. without being able to see the first -- the other person's perspective, it is difficult for me to see how this republic can continue to progress. when demo

he was under the pressure of dick russell and strom thurmond and many others. truman, already unpopular. he went out of office the most unpopular president in history. ordained commander in chief and all racial discrimination in military forces was over. that day. he was condemned severely by all his generals and admirals and overwhelmingly in the congress and by many other people in america. my life on the submarine was change by that decision. affected my whole future. after truman left office, progress made on civil-rights. that was before rosa parks sat in front of a school bus and martin luther king became active. it was before president johnson was the ultimate hero in successfully ending legal civil discrimination. he was my favorite because of that. most successful president in my memory was lyndon johnson. he had his great society program. the civil-rights act, only one part of it, in medicare and a massive program for the war against poverty. hy was governor when he put into effect the elementary school act. i went up and testified in favor of that ac

on strom thurmond's deathbed, i got a call from his wife, nancy. she said, joe, i just left the senator's room. i said, h was he doing? she said, he is on god's time. but he asked me to call you. i am standing here with his doctor. he asked me if you would do his to -- if you would do his eulogy. a liberal civil-rights kid who ran because the civil rights in 1972 would be doing strom thurmond eulogy, which i did and honestly did. it was something that no one could ever have imagined, nor could i have. the point i'm trying to make here is, whether it was when mitch and i arrived at whether we expected we would actually be able to work together, if you are open-minded, sticking closely to the principles that divide the from the other guy -- if u're open-minded, it is impossible to see -- to not see the other man's perspective. we are in the first heterogeneous society in the history of mankind. without being able to s the first -- the other person's perspective, it is difficult for me to see how this republic can continue to progress. when democrats

democrat in the wte house, and, frankly, this is what has evolved here in many respects. 1982, strom thurmond and i led the fight for the balanced budget amendment, the first time it passed by a record two-thirds vote. we brought it to the senate, and we got 66 votes later. there were two people, who i will not mention their names, but we had the votes, and it had been passed in the house, and we ha got to work very closely together and get that balanced budget amendment passed, because if we do not, we will not get spending under control, because it is too easy to go around the current system and continue to spend. i have been in the senate 34 years, and we have never had a fiscal conservative majority. usuay the more from blue states, who will go with the democrats on most spending sues. even bill clinton, from time to time. the fact of the matter is is that we need to have a fiscal conservative majority, and that is what the tea party is going to do. [applause] and let's just take theealth- care bill. the constitution comes into play in so many ways. i was the one you raised the issue of t

democrat in the white house, and, frankly, this is what has evolved here in many respects. 1982, strom thurmond and i led the fight for the balanced budget amendment, the first time it passed by a record two-thirds vote. we brought it to the senate, and we got 66 votes later. there were two people, who i will not mention their names, but we had the votes, and it had been passed in the house, and we have got to work very closely together and get that balanced budget amendment passed, because if we do not, we will not get spending under control, because it is too easy to go around the current system and continue to spend. i have been in the senate 34 years, and we have never had a fiscal conservative majority. usually the more from blue states, who will go with the democrats on most spending issues. even bill clinton, from time to time. the fact of the matter is is that we need to have a fiscal conservative majority, and that is what the tea party is going to do. [applause] and let's just take the health- care bill. the constitution comes into play in so many ways. i was the one you raised the is

he was under the pressure of my senator, dick russell, and strom thurmond, and others. truman, already unpopular, he went out of office the most unpopular president in history, said all racial discrimination in the military forces was over. that day. he was convinced by his generals and admirals, and overwhelmingly in the congress, and by many other people in america. he did it. my life on the submarine was changed by that decision. it affected my whole future. after truman left office, there is not much made on civil rights. it was eight years later before rosa parks sat in the front of a school bus or martin luther king became active. he was eight years ahead of them. president johnson was the ultimate hero in successfully ending legal civil discrimination. truman was my favorite because of that. i would say that the most successful president in my memory was lyndon johnson, who had his great society program. the civil rights act was only one part of it. it was medicaid and medicare, and a massive program for poverty. i was governor when he put into effect the element

democrat in the white house, and, frankly, this is what has evolved here in many respects. 1982, strom thurmond and i led the fight for the balanced budget amendment, the first time it passed by a record two-thirds vote. we brought it to the senate, and we got 66 votes later. there were two people, who i will not mention their names, but we had the votes, and it had been passed in the house, and we have got to work very closely together and get that balanced budget amendment passed, because if we do not, we will not get spending under control, because it is too easy to go around the current system and continue to spend. i have been in the senate 34 years, and we have never had a fiscal conservative majority. usually the more from blue states, who will go with the democrats on most spending issues. even bill clinton, from time to time. the fact of the matter is is that we need to have a fiscal conservative majority, and that is what the tea party is going to do. [applause] and let's just take the health- care bill. the constitution comes into play in so many ways. i was the one you raised the is