one of the young people that he trained was thurgood marshall. a lot of people don't know about charles hamilton houston. he is in my biography and he is a real hero to me. because he someone who created change over time and change that is still with us today. but there are other people and i just mention this is the 50th anniversary and thinking about people like bob moses, david dennis. there is such an amazing range of people who participated. and again the stories of people who would go into a battleground to try to create change. those are american heroes of the highest calling. but we forget sometimes the courage that they are exhibiting at the american dream. sometimes we forget people who played a larger role than doctor king. people who have been active in terms of the local naacp working with a woman by the name of joann robinson who was a professor at alabama state to put into place what king ultimately leads. join robinson has a strong and capable mind. you know, she had been involved with getting black and white women together in a w

william coleman, another close friend of thurgood's. thurgood just appreciated his advice and counsel throughout the years. finally, if thurgood were here today, i think he would encourage us to keep up the good fight using the same words that he spoke on july fourth, 1992, when he accepted the liberty medal. he said, and i quote, "the battle for racial and economic justice is not yet won." indeed, it has barely begun. the legal system can force open doors and sometimes even knock down walls. but it cannot build bridges. hat job belongs to you and me. the country can't do it, afro and white, rich and poor, ucated and illiterate, our fates are bound together. we can run from each other, but we cannot escape each other. we will only attain freedom if we learn to appreciate what is different and muster the courage to discover what is fundamentally the same america's -- america's diversity offers so much richness and opportunity. take a chance, won't you? knock down the fences that divide us. tear apart the walls that imprison you. reach ou

william coleman, another close friend of thurgood's. thurgood just appreciated his advice and counsel throughout the years. herely, if thurgood were today, i think he would goodrage us to keep up the fight using the same words that july 4, 1992, when medal.pted the liberty he said, and i quote, "the battle for racial and economic yet won.s not barely begun. the legal system can force open doors and sometimes even but it cannots build bridges. and me. belongs to you , afrountry can't do it and white, rich and poor, and illiterate, our together.bound we can run from each other, but other.ot escape each ifwill only attain freedom we learn to appreciate what is and muster the courage isdiscover what america'slly the same diversity offers so much richness and opportunity. a chance, won't you? knockdown the fences -- knock down the fence that divide us. tear apart the walls that imprison you. out for freedom. freedom lies just on the other side. we shall have liberty for all." thank you. [applause] me in another round of applause. [applause]

and know we will talk about thurgood marshall here tonight quite a bit. but before thurgood marshall there was a man named charles hamilton houston and charles hamilton houston was a brilliant man. a harvard trained lawyer, the assistant dean of howard law school. and at an early point in his career he was offended and outraged by jim crow's segregation, particularly in schools. and he got an old video camera and he went down south and he drove in his car and he couldn't stay in a hotel because black people were not allowed to stay in white hotels during those days. so he had to sleep in his car or maybe somebody will take new for the night. but he took that video camera and showed and took film and footage of exactly what african-american students were living through. the harsh conditions, the fact that there were all grades of students in the same classroom. the fact that the buildings were inferior, the books were outdated, the facilities were in every way inferior and that this promise of separate but equal was anything but equal and was inherently un

and what thurgood speech she quoted from, i remember it well, it was at an aba convention. and he could have gone and said -- and he was roundly criticized for saying that. and yet the community -- brown gave the community hope. brown was almost like a joe lewis fight. [laughter] >> but now on that note, let me go to -- let me go to governor patrick. you chided me for describing you as the boyish looking governor in an article i wrote about the memorial service of another president. -- of another lgf board member. board member. he is boyish look bug he didn't like that too much. but on that same tip, i want to say that while the governor here was in his early 20's you weren't even born. so i want to know when you became aware of brown. because you had a number of years before you -- well, i guess when you started school may whatever. but when did you become aware of brown and what impact did it have on your consciousness? >> can i first say that i was born two years after brown. so can we just settle this? i also have to say whenever i'm with doug wilder, this is what a gov

and what thurgood speech she quoted from, i remember it well, it was at an aba convention. and he could have gone and said -- and he was roundly criticized for saying that. and yet the community -- brown gave the community hope. brown was almost like a joe lewis fight. >> but now on that note, let me go to -- let me go to governor patrick. you chided me for describing you as the boyish looking governor in an article i wrote about the memorial service of another president. he is boyish look bug he didn't like that too much. but on that same tip, i want to say that while the governor here was in his early 20's you weren't even born. so i want to know when you became aware of brown. because you had a number of years before you -- well, i guess when you started school may whatever. but when did you become aware of brown and what impact did it have on your consciousness? >> can i first say that i was born two years after brown. so can we just settle this? i also have to say whenever i'm with doug wilder, this is what a governor looks and sounds ike. en mrs. marshall was quoting

and the lawyer there was a man by the name of thurgood marshall. i never had the pleasure and honor of meeting this man when he was on the supreme court, but, boy, what a stalwart he was. that book was so good. i again repeat it: "devil in the grove." it's focused mainly in florida and what went on in florida. what a bad situation there created by lots of people, but principally one sheriff. so, mr. president, the brown family, their fellow plaintiffs, legal teams, and nine supreme court justices all refused to let inequality go unchallenged. for the olivers, it was difficult, it was scary, and it was courageous to pursue legal recourse in the face of insults, slanders and threats. but the brown family and their fellow plaintiffs stood firm in the face of opposition. their legal teams didn't waiver, by thurgood marshall, and the supporters had their backs from the beginning to the end. these parents could have given up. and i'm sure, mr. president, there are stories that are untold where parents did give up. but here the browns knew it was their re

and thurgood marshall, one of the comments i found really profound, he said brown was never about sittingt to white children. it was about having access to the resources. >> as i say, no one would say this is the same country as 60 years ago. obviously many things changed. to me, one of the most important things that changed is the demock phi is overwhelming in terms of the debate. when we think about things like equality of opportunity, usually, it's been framed as an argument of fairness. if we are the country we say we are in the declaration of independence, everyone should have a chance to go as far as their talents take them. i think that is still true but no longer i think the central argument. over the next 50 years, the estimates of all the net growth in the workforce will be minority workers. the number of white people working in 2030 is projected to be smaller than today. in that world, ultimately, there is not a question of fairness but self-interest. if we don't do a better job in getting more of these kids into the middle class, who will pay the taxes, buy the houses, generat

william coleman, another close friend of thurgood.thurgood appreciated his advice and counsel throughout the year some four fair assessment -- throughout the year. if there good were here today at using the same words that he spoke on july 4th 1992 when he accepted the liberty medal. he said, and i quote, the battle for racial and economic justice is not yet won. indeed, it has barely begun. the legal system can force open doors and sometimes even knock down walls, but it cannot build bridges. that job belongs to you and me. the country can do, afro and white, which and poor, educated and illiterate. we can run from each other, but we cannot escape each other. we will only attain freedom if we learn to appreciate what is different and musters the courage to discover what is fundamentally the same america's diversity and our virginity. take a chance, won't you. knock down the fences that divide us. sarah powell -- tear apart the walls of the brazilian. freedom lies just on the other side. we shall have liberty for all. thank you. [appl

as noted, her former boss when she clerked for the legendary thurgood marshall argued the brown case. i wonder what each panelist would say about brown today. we have resegregate it to the point that in many communities the levels of school segregation are deeper than they were in 1954 when the decision was rendered. let me go starting with mr. gregg all the way down this way, how would you respond to the brown v. board decision reflecting back over 60 years? let me ask how this court will rule today? >> i am going to take issue. >> let me take issue with your premise of the question. the number of segregated public schools in the united states in 2014 has not increased or stayed the same or anything like that. the number of segregated public schools in the united states in 2014 is zero. segregation means telling children that they cannot go to the same school as children of a different skin color. that does not happen in the united states anymore ever. what we have is racial imbalances as a result of presidential living patterns and things like that. we can talk about whether it what

. >>> the thurgood marshall college fund president and ceo johnny c.aylor said the landmark case brown versus board of education has caused many conversations but the journey continues. this means people remain hard at work to level the playing field academically which brings our focus to charter schools in the inner cities of america. they are designed to help kids in low income areas to excel beyond a dream. >> these students are the embodiment of good minds and hearts coming together for one good cause, to gain a great education. students who attend d.c. prep are called d.c. preppies. they live in the hardest areas around the capital but have the best education. it was founded by emily lawson, a native of d.c. on how to bridge the educational divide between the haves and the have-notes. >> i grew up in washington and i knew there was a huge gap to kids what were offered to kids in northwest d.c. and the rest of the city and i wanted to do something about that. >> emily got a first education herself and then brought her vision to the inner city who h

. >> i think thurgood marshal is spinning in his grave. it is shameful. >> shameful?shameful. >> joining me now, new york times op-ed, charles. and sunny hostin. it is clearly -- we can't officially confirm it is sterling, but that sounds like sterling, i met with him on friday. it is interesting he said i'm not a racist. when you hear elgin bay bail baylor say, he said he wanted to hire black players and a white coach.lor say, he said he wanted to hire black players and a white coach. when you hear that what do you think about that? >> it is not at all odds for a person's own view of themselves not to line up with the broader culture's view, particularly when it comes to issues of race. so a person can say of course, i may have said this, but he said on the first tape it is just part of the culture i'm part of. i'm bending myself to meet the culture. and it is not my fault. i'm just kind of making myself fit in. and it is completely possible that he does not view himself as a racist. although those comments on the first tape are unambiguously racist. but i think we e

everything is easier, right thurgood thing and that world becomes more difficult. many of you like i did for 16 years are involved in development efforts. you, the five. points on how to operation allies these principles in foreign aid. let me go immediately to that slide. [laughter] >> i don't have one. i have done something here which has already got me into a lot of trouble and will probably get me in more trouble here today. i have the heretical view.we have to get principles right before we talk about operational wising anything and what has not happened is not a lack of operational recommendations, not a lack of five bullet policy fixes, it is lack of agreement on the basic principles of whether we should have development that is the same way the u.s. development, a high degree, high and growing degree of recognition of individuals economic and political rights or do we in fact support an authoritarian development? that is the debate that has not happened enough and i want to happen and so until that happens, until we have that debate and we agree on what the

we remember clarence who defended the unpopular in the trial and we remember thurgood marshall who defended the unpopular when he convinced the courts to strike down the regulation. where would we be without these champions and without applying the bill of rights. to those that we actually think are guilty. where would it be on the popular be without the protection of the bill of rights? one can almost argue the right to trial is more precious than more unpopular that defendant. we cannot and should not abandon this principle. critics will argue that these are evil people who plot to kill americans. i don't dispute that. my first instinct is like most americans -- senator paul from earlier today. we are going back live to the gavel with a procedural vote on the nomination. coming up shortly on c-span2 a senator: madam president? the presiding officer: the senator from louisiana. ms. landrieu: thank you. the senate is about to proceed to several votes on important nominees and i wanted to put in a s

raise money to keep our legal program going very i spend lots of time reading the old letters of thurgood marshall, and he ruined his health just riding around the country trying to raise money to keep this legal program going. i would like to stay healthy. i would like you to support us at any level that you can. you can go to our website. i want you to go there because we have assembled a plethora of resources about brown. as you heard, if we are going to teach our children, we have to learn ourselves. how much you really know about brown? you know the name, you maybe know what it stood for, you may be read the case in law school, but how much to you know about this case, the most important institutional moment of this 20th century? we want to ask you to make sure andknow about the work, that means telling people in your network. we are all about social media. ownat60.ou to go to br i am on twitter. i ask you to join me. partnersu to be sought with us in your network. we want people to still know there are people who are standing on the front lines involved in civil rights work who beli

we remember fondly thurgood a partial it offended the unpopular when he convinced the supreme court to strike down regulation. -- segregation. where would we be without these champions? where would we be if without applying the bill of rights to those we don't like, don't associate with, who we actually think are guilty? where would the unpopular be without the protection of the bill of rights? one can almost argue that the right to trial is more precious the more unpopular the defendant we cannot, and we should not abandon this cherished principle now, critics will argue that these are evil people who plot to kill americans. i do not dispute that. my first instinct is, like most americans, to want immediate punishment. i cannot stand the thought of americans who consult with an advocate violence against americans. want to punish those americans who are traitors, but i am also conscious of what these traders have betrayed. these traders are betraying a country that holds dear the precept that we are innocent until proven guilty. aren't we, in a way, be trained our country's principles

we remember thurgood marshall who defended the unpopular when he struck down segregation. where would we be without these champions? where would we be without applying the bill of rights to those we don't like and those we don't associate with and those we believe are guilty? where would the unpopular be without the protection of the bill of rights? one can almost argue that the right to trial is more precious than more unpopular the defended. we cannot and we should not abandon this cherished principle. critics will argue that these are people who plot to kill americans. i don't dispute that. my first instinct is like most americans to recoil in horror and want immediate punishment for. herz. i can't stand the thought of americans who consort with an advocate violence against americans. i want to punish those americans who are. herz but i'm also conscious of what these traitors have betrayed. these traders are betraying it country that holds dear the precept of innocents until guilty. .. ech you agree with. it is harder to protect speech you abhor. the first amendment is

in terms of texas specifically, this is where thurgood marshall cut his teeth, fighting against whitely in his career. >> primary in texas, i'm like, hmm. >> exactly. but what people fail to recognize is when we look at things like the voting rights act or the civil rights act, those were not things that were given to black people. those were concessions in the face of really, really powerful social movements. those social movements in and of itself if you were looking and saying it's either we work with these social movements or there's out and out social chaos and bedlam. people have affirmative action now. affirmative action in education is on the chopping block but they don't recognize affirmative action came about during the nixon administration because he was looking at people and saying this person is brilliant. we want them to be in the system as opposed to being outside the system trying to burn it down. when you get rid of these things, when you get rid of these protection, what you do is bring us back to the status quo ante and produce the same outcomes that the status quo

affirmative action so to my your took a position that no left wing justice had ever taken before including thurgoodmarshall including the end of lacy including all of the progressives that ever argued on this point that affirmative action wasn't just lawful it was constitutionally compulsive that she clearly brought because of her personal experience and she said so in the decision in the senate yes because that's the kind of thing that we are trying to avoid well well i. bet amazing a left winger makes a person all ok and some want to write what we need to reform the court but democratic issue paul says we need reform because when the reform the whole big thing not all nuts all the courts because they all put their personal opinions into our culture what do you think would at any object to believe there when a democrat is appoint. justices federal judge you don't go with his political beliefs and when a republican has pointed to the concern to the bit he goes with his belief i think that this court is this court was all because they really. ultimate all but i think since the walker court this is p

interesting and i didn't realize as i talk to the daughter of reverend brown the namesake he never met thurgoodmarshall really he that's what he did and she said that's one of the things that most people are very surprised that into piqua kansas. they're good marshall really never met. the lead plaintiff in the case and they not before and not after and you have to understand this is a combination of i think about five cases. that that one of them in was right here in washington d.c. and they had all been defeated in the lower courts and that's what they had in common but the first good segregation case was not or was not brown it was eight hundred forty nine eight hundred forty nine school desegregation had been there there had been fight to desegregate public schools in this country or throughout the country eight hundred forty nine was one of the first school desegregation cases in boston. which is where slavery was illegal yes is this is before the study well that's that's that's. markel to what extent i mean there's there's been a lot written over the last. there's just been a lot written