it was strom thurman. that old candidate of 1948 that in 1964, the year of goldwater switches his party allegiance. he is the most prominent and first southern democrat to join the republican party in 1964. and he's there in 1980 speaking on behalf of reagan. encouraging conservative white southerners to join the republican party and trent lot, the young congressman says, you know, introducing him says, you know, if this country had just voted, you know -- he was like, i'm proud of my state of mississippi. we voted for strom thurman in 1948 and if other states had voted for him we wouldn't be having the problems we have been having over all of these years. what's fascinating about that is that he said that again in 2002. in the u.s. capitol when he was speaking giving a speak about strom thurman at his 100th birthday party. he lived to be 100 and when he said that again in 2002, it caused an up roar. like, what are you talking about? because this time he's a senator. what are you talking about when you sai

that never happens for strom thurman and it never happens for other is segregationist republicans who make that change. yeah. >> when did the hispanic latino votes start to become relevant in the sun belt and how did both of the major parties react to that? >> well, this is a big story, and in some ways the story of why the sun belt era ends in 2008. it ends because of the way that the hispanic vote is complicating politics in states like california and in texas and in florida in particular. so we have talked about how the politics of orange county looks a lot different now today than it did when lisa mcgivers was writing about it for the '50s she was writing about it. so it is not playing nout the deep south although there is a deep growing population in the states like south georgia and mississippi and alabama and we have not fully felt the political impact of that yet, but it is certainly making, you know, the states like florida and states like texas and certainly california much more competitive for the democratic party than they would be, than they had been or for liberal partie

at my church, reverend thurman, and often speaking of dr. coleman and bringing him in to talk to us in the 60's and early 70's. so i -- i want to thank the community for bringing this recommendation to our attention. so important, and i'd like to thank miss coleman for bringing up this very critical mission of which this board is on at this stage in its life. i think as you know, it used to be named the landmark board, and we were very much into the building and in contrast to our previous discussion on 120 stockton. but here we are, very important piece of our expanded mission to think about the people and the relationship to the landscape and the values that we hold dear, and here, again, the relationship between the medical practice and the church and religious communities and value. just -- the relationship is just so, so key. so i'm so glad we're going to recommend initiation of landmark designation. so, so important to do this, and i will move -- i move -- >> president wolfram: that sounds like a motion. >> i thought you were never goi

it says a lot about the thurman family. the upstate. really a great state. mister smith going to washington. a big class of republicans. that just head to be chaotic. how did you meet. about the orientation. it's just the word overwhelming. i have no legislative branch experience. i was relying upon them. he was arguably the best known. the member of the incoming freshman class. he was the oldest presley of that class. i think you are the president of your freshman class. so back home that is a really big deal. and i remember he would have won by acclamation. there would've been no bow. that's how popular he was. that is a curious strategy decision that you would not do that. even at the newly elected members of the house like me. he took a different path. i started watching him. we have dinner down in the basement of the capital hell. don't the labial spin it for you. i don't say that. mister smith goes to washington. i felt like a fish out of water. i've always said every time i go to talk about it. that is washington. we might go. he is like the david tha

as you can tell from the thurman quote. to study the final days and months of king's life and in deeds the day after his death. is to confront the fact that millions of americans or at least many thousands of white americans love tim. every american knows that they stared down vicious racism. by 1968 they have come down. african-americans were exercising the vote. yet the hatred for king persisted. that is something i have not fully realized before i started the research for this book i think. and the white suit celebrated king's death. they were not all just the strong thurman type i poured through letters that were written from people in chicago in the bronx and michigan and boston. who are rejoicing indeed at his assassination. it also was not a matter of young versus old. it wasn't that the old generation hated king i poured through essays. in the memphis area high school who are basically absorbed all of this vitriol and were repeating it. and were saying that the ss and it was a great patriot and so on. he is so canon

it didn't hit your list, president thurman but we added the slides from dr. hing showing seconds truly matter and only officers with an i.e.d. in their vehicles have access to one and the recommendation, i believe on page three, paragraph five is to request one if they think they're going to be using one. we are dealing with many vulnerable people in the city. that's why that language restricted -- this is the one situation where you do use a taser instead of a gun. it's the only situation because using a taser on this vulnerable population will likely result in their death and if you don't have an a.e.d. then we're in trouble so let's make sure we are paying tension to the warnings from the company and protecting citizens going forward. >> commissioner marshall: thank you. >> hello. gilbert brenstein. i work with democratic socialists and other groups. i want to speak to two things. first is the question the chief brought up on intermediate use of force and classifying tasers as intermediate use of force. the stunt drive mode in particular is often involved

reagan even announced at the convention, nixon had wrapped up endorsements from very goldwater, strom thurman, many of the southern conservatives that reagan would have needed to take off. -- to pick off. there is not much of a credible threat to richard nixon as opposed to 1976 when reagan almost unseated ford. from tactical moves richard nixon paying off during the primary process, correct? ronald reagan, there is a reality in politics that things happen that are perceived as impossible, inconceivable, couldn't happen. the emergence of ronald reagan is one of those things. the election of donald trump, the election of abraham lincoln are examples. wimp at brown was running against reagan and he dismissed wasan -- when pat brown born against reagan, he dismissed reagan saying he had no experience. never flown an airplane, but don't worry, i have always been really interested in aviation. immediately, he was i a major figure in american politics. not smearingise of the others run him in various states and picked up 11% in new hampshire and 22%, maybe, in nebraska. and 100% inn california, bec

there is actually an important distinction between george wallace and strom thurmond's -- george thurman. george wallace began as a person on the left. economically. he embraces a kind of politics of reaction. and then, he reverts to that. and, he apologizes. this is important. this is one of the things that is striking about southern politics. is, who in the southern segregationists apologized, and who are the ones who don't? is it just because the ones who apologize are nice to people? no. it all has to do with the politics of the region. democrats, former segregationist democrats apologize, and had that come to jesus moment. because, they need black voters to win democratic primaries. and so, they need to show how they have changed. they used to be this way, and they are not any more. but on the other hand, republicans, conservative republicans who were former segregationists like strom thurmond, you don't apologize. you don't, one, because you are not going after black voters. but two, when you apologize, to your right-wing voters, to your right wing, white voters. it looks like you

when you teach it you remembered thurman in the supreme court hearing to replace chief justice sayingi want that name to ring in your ears because he was a guy who was freed because of a constitutional technicality of the fourth amendment. it became defined by all of these criminal cases that were seen as being soft on crime. asuess you could view katz being one of those cases. >> fred is in california. thank you for giving me the opportunity to talk. i was listening to the case of the phone booth in sunset boulevard. general observation on all of these cases regarding fourth amendment. that is my domain smith -- my amazement of how and why you should take the lower courts to recognize the right of the people to be safe. does not take a genius to recognize that you do not even research andlot of go from one court to another court to find out that the new technology provides information kept on cell phones and other kinds of electronic systems. it also goes under the fourth amendment. while i am enjoying the discussion, i think we should aboutuch more enthusiasm going back to the right

when you teach escobedo, you remember that thurman is in the supreme court hearings. he said escobedo, escobedo, i want the name to ring in your ears. he was freed because of a constitutional technicality of the fourth amendment. it became defined be -- by all these cases that were soft on crime. you can view this is one of those cases. some of them gave way to the impeach warren case. >> fred is in laguna, california. thank you for talking to a spread. >> think you give me the opportunity to talk. i listen to the case of the phone booth on sunset boulevard. i'm a general observation. all these cases regarding the fourth amendment, and it's in my amazement of why you should take the lower courts to recognize the right of the people to be safe in their persons and papers, and everything else. and does not take a genius to recognize that you do not have to do a lot of research going from one court to another court to find that the new technology provides information kept on cell phones and other electronic systems. it goes under the fourth amendment. while i am joined t

reagan even announced at the convention, nixon had wrapped up endorsements from very goldwater, strom thurmanmany of the southern conservatives that reagan would have needed to take off. -- to pick off. there is not much of a credible threat to richard nixon as opposed to 1976 when reagan almost unseated ford. from tactical moves richard nixon paying off during the primary process, correct? ronald reagan, there is a reality in politics that things happen that are perceived as impossible, inconceivable, couldn't happen. the emergence of ronald reagan is one of those things. the election of donald trump, the election of abraham lincoln are examples. wimp at brown was running against reagan and he dismissed wasan -- when pat brown born against reagan, he dismissed reagan saying he had no experience. never flown an airplane, but don't worry, i have always been really interested in aviation. immediately, he was i a major figure in american politics. not smearingise of the others run him in various states and picked up 11% in new hampshire and 22%, maybe, in nebraska. and 100% inn california, becau