, he is also a resident of kiev, this is so, the pseudo-experts of a dubious institution called the ukrainian institute of national memorythis is rather an institution for erasing the national memory, with the conclusions that bulgakov, ukrainaphobe, adequate literature, vedas historians clearly do not agree, here is the reaction of the bulgakov museum in kiev, they say, the judgments of the commission of the institute of national memory are overly categorical, fight with... first with bugakov, then before with pushkin, then now with sikorsky, and you know, the most paradoxical thing here is that many of the people listed, well , absolutely, they were not enemies of the little russians, they did not experience any negativity towards this territory, and, moreover, all these people are a heritage, and world culture, mind you, we now have with the collective west from... relations are strained, it’s simply impossible, but for some reason it doesn’t occur to anyone to suggest, it’s even funny for me to say this, to demolish the monument to hemingway in the ryazan city sasovo, for some reason this doesn’t come to mind, becaus

too a resident of kiev, this is so, decided the pseudo-experts of a dubious institution called the ukrainian institute of national memory is rather an institution for erasing national memory, with the conclusion that bulgakov is ukraine. fob, adequate literature vedas, historians clearly do not agree, here is the reaction of the bulgakov museum in kiev, they say that the judgments of the commission of the institute of national remembrance are overly categorical, fight first with bulgakov, then before with pushkin, now with sikorsky, and you know, here the most paradoxical thing the fact that many of the people listed, well , absolutely everything, they were not enemies of the young russians, they did not experience any absolutely... negativity towards this territory, yes, and moreover, all these people are the heritage of world culture, mind you, in our country now relations with the collective west are strained , it’s simply impossible, but for some reason it doesn’t occur to anyone to suggest, it’s even funny for me to say this, to demolish the monument to himinguey in the ryazan city of sasovo, for some reason it doe

changed, so whether do you, gentlemen, agree with this conclusion of this institute, the ukrainian, ukrainian institute of national memoryether everything that binds us is necessary or used to connect us with russia with something that made us kindred, that we were taken as a community and thrown to the side and said that somehow we will continue to be without bulgakov, because bulgakov was an emperor. andrei, well, in the part about monuments and names, i completely agree with the conclusions of the institute, because when we talk about monuments, we are not talking about the literary work of this writer, we are talking about precisely imperial symbols, and when we see how monuments are being demolished "pushkin's monuments, then they are demolishing the putin's monument, in fact, or the monuments there catherine, stalin, that is... i myself was born in sevastopol, lived there for 22 years, and you know, there was not as much bulgakov there as in kyiv, but for example, the pushkin gymnasium was also pushkin, and the street, of course, pushkin, and there was no pushkin, although before the history of sevastopol , pushkin

name will be changed, gentlemen, do you agree with this conclusion of this institute, the ukrainian, ukrainian institute of national memory, and is it necessary to take everything that connects us or once connected us with... russia, with everything that made us kindred, that made us a community somehow there, and throw it aside and talk about what's next for us we will somehow be without bulgakov, because bulgakov was an emperor. andrei, well, in the part about monuments and names, i fully agree with the conclusions of the institute, because when we talk about... about monuments , we are not talking about the literary work of this writer, we are talking about exactly the imperial symbols, and when we see as the pushkin monuments are being demolished, they are demolishing the putin monument, in fact, or the monuments there to catherine, stalin, i.e. it is a symbol of the empire, primarily not a tribute to the work of this poet, and the same is true of bogakovo, the same can be said about others. shih russian cultural imperial writers. i myself was born in sevastopol, lived there for 22 years, and you know, there was not a

do you, gentlemen, agree with this conclusion of this institute, the ukrainian, ukrainian institute of national memory... and whether or not everything that connects us is necessary or once connected us with russia with something that is native to us. that we were being taken as a collective and thrown aside and told that we would somehow be without bulgakov, because bulgakov was an emperor. andrei, well, in the part about monuments and names, i fully agree with the conclusions of the institute, because when we talk about monuments, we are not talking about literary works. for this writer, we are talking about precisely imperial symbols, and when we see pushkin's monuments being demolished, they are actually demolishing the putin monument, or the monuments to catherine, stalin, that is, it is a symbol of the empire, primarily not a tribute to the memory of the work of this poet, and the same can be said about bogakovo and about other imperial writers of russian culture. i myself was born in sevastopol, lived there for 22 years, and you know, well, there there were not as many bulgakovs there as in kyi

be changed , gentlemen, do you agree with this conclusion of this institute. of ukraine, of the ukrainian institute of national memory, and whether or not everything that connects us or once connected us with... it was done collectively by some one there to take it and throw it aside and say that we will somehow continue without bulgakov, because bulgakov was an emperor. andrew? well, in the part about monuments and names, i completely agree with the conclusions of the institute, because when we talk about... monuments, we are not talking about the literary work of this writer, we are talking about just the imperial symbols, and when we see how the monument is demolished "pushkin's monuments, then they are demolishing the putin's monument, in fact, or the monuments there to catherine, stalin, that is, this a symbol of the empire, primarily not given to the memory and creativity of this poet, and the same can be said about bugakov and about other things. russian cultural imperial writers. i myself was born in sevastopol, i lived there for 22 years, and you know, there was not as much bulgakov there as in kyiv, but, fo

for entering and exiting the city, signs on administrative buildings, seals, the ukrainian institute of national memory recognized the name of chervonograd as a symbol of russian imperial policy, the residents themselves have different attitudes to renaming. chervonograd, it would be better if you didn't change it, but what they came up with, let them rename it for their own money, not for ours. i vote yes. enough as much as possible to be under the power, to beautify as many settlements as possible in our state, and this is an important work that they should carry out, even if someone does not like it, because to leave the old names, well , well, it is wrong, in my opinion. let's move on now, we will now have the opportunity to talk with oleg synyutko and the people's deputy of ukraine, who should appear on the air with us soon, so that we can ask him about the situation in the verkhovna rada. mr. oleg, we don't have much time with you, but we will try very quickly, you know communicate dynamically. in short, what is happening in the parliament now, has it been possible to start consideration of the d

victory of the revolution. we still managed to complete this work, we prepared, as the ukrainian institute of national memory , a whole package of laws on decommunization, one of them precisely related to the opening of the kgb archives, they were adopted in 2015, and the actual book you are talking about this is the book chernobyl dossier of two volumes of kgb documents, which was published with the cooperation of the archives of the security service of ukraine and the ukrainian institute of national remembrance, these are wonderful documents, of which, for me personally, the most interesting there are just those documents. not only tell about what happened before the accident, what happened during the accident, but what happened after the accident, that is, how the communist special services purposefully tried to restrain the spread of information and, on the contrary, launch some fakes about the fact that nothing terrible was actually happened very often, by the way, the methods that mr. volodymyr talks about, the actual concealment of information, are paralleled with... similar ones during the three holo

were the conclusion, in short, our viewers, i think, know, the conclusion of the ukrainian institute of national memory regarding bulgakov, where he is actually recognized as a symbol of the russian world, yes, but also this, but also this that's not all. this week there is another statement by mr. serhiy shafir, who says that it is necessary to be friends with russia, that we need not serhiy boris, but boris shefir, but if it is not so, i apologize. serhiy shefira just refuted these statements of his brother, yes , let's just apologize, so disagree, serhii shefir does not agree, and mr. borys shevir, he agrees, and secondly, we are talking about what is really starting. certain voices will appear, either from abroad of people who lived here in ukraine, or even from our citizens, who in fact are still trying to cling to some rope of this russian world and still drag the country in this cultural, historical, linguistic context. what should we do here, how should we look for a way out as a state in order not to return, actually, at least... even for some percentage in this context of the russian world, t

there was an expert commission that was created in accordance with this law at the ukrainian institute of national memory which includes authoritative researchers, philologists , historians from different scientific institutions from different. regions of ukraine, they adopted, developed and gave their expert opinion that bulgakov is subject to the law, the figure of bulgakov belongs to the symbolism of russian imperial policy, since bolgakov publicly called for ukrainophobia in his works, demonstrated and called for ukrainophobia. and no one can argue with this, because in fact it is and it is subject to the restrictions of the law, thus ukraine, based on this expert opinion, the relevant authorities, which are authorized to make decisions and will make decisions regarding the renaming or removal from the public space of those or other dedicated objects bearing the name. at the same time, this does not in any way concern the creative output, which remains and must remain open, accessible so that everyone can read, get to know, understand, analyze the work and character of bolgakov, so there is no need t

the ukrainian institute of national memory recognized the name of chervonograd as a symbol of russian imperial policy. residents themselves have different attitudes to renaming. i like chervonograd, it would be better not to change it, otherwise... they came up with it, then let them rename it for their own money, not for ours, but i'm for it, it's enough, as long as you can be under the power under the beauty of the muscovites, all the time among the muscovites, now how many muscovites are there and beyond, i don’t understand at all why this renaming was done at all, chervonograd and chervonograd for what, well, that is, just a waste of money, they proposed the name shefta, do you like it, shevtytskyi, it can be, i don’t want to adopt. the final name change of chervonograd will vote in the verkhovna rada. kateryna oliynyk, oleg palyamar, these were the news of the week's summary, the espresso team talked about the main events, stay close, read more on the espresso tv website, subscribe to our channels on social networks and support the espresso youtube channel with your likes and com

the ukrainian institute of national memory recognized the name of chervonograd as a symbol of russianl policy. the residents themselves have different attitudes to renaming, i like chervonograd, it would be better not to change it, but what they came up with, let them rename it themselves for their own money, not for ours, but i'm in favor, it's enough, as long as you can be under the power, under the kras under the muscovites, all the time under the muscovites, how many more muscovites are there, and further, i don't understand at all why this renaming, chervonograd and chervonograd, for what, well, that is an unnecessary waste of money, they suggested the name shakhitsky, do you like it? to you, she is shevtytskyi, it may be so, i don't want to rename it, but why? well, i like chervonograd. already this spring , the verkhovna rada will vote on the final name change of chervonograd. kateryna oliynyk, oleg palyamar, espresso tv channel. oh yeah. mr. volodymyr, there are two questions here, because they cannot be mixed. and i will now start this question. from the fact that you can bra

there was an expert commission that was created in accordance with this law at the ukrainian institute of national memoryauthoritative researchers, philologists, historians from different scientific institutions from different regions of ukraine, they approved, worked on and gave their opinion. a professional conclusion about the fact that bulgakov is subject to the law, the figure of bulgakov belongs to the symbolism of russian imperial policy, since bulgakov publicly called for ukrainophobia in his works, demonstrated and called for ukrainophobia, and no one can argue with that either, because...

the ukrainian institute of national memory recognized the name. chervonograd is a symbol of russian imperial policy, the residents themselves have different attitudes to the renaming. i like chervonograd, it would be better if you didn't change it, but what they came up with, let them rename it for their own money, not for ours, but i'm for it, it's enough, as long as you can be under the power, under the beauty of the muscovites , all the time under muscovites, now how many more muscovites and further, i do not understand why this is at all do this renaming at all. chervonograd and chervonograd for what? so, is it a waste of money? did you suggest the name shevtytskyi? do you like her shevtytsky? so. may be? i don't want to rename. and what? well, i like chervonograd. already this spring , the verkhovna rada will vote on the final name change of chervonograd. kateryna oliynyk, oleg palyamar, espresso tv channel. do not be silent, captivity kills. in the center of the capital. an action was held in support of prisoners of war and missing persons. s

published with the cooperation of the archives of the security service of ukraine and the ukrainian institute of national memory, these are wonderful documents from which, for me, personally, the most interesting documents are precisely those documents that tell about what happened before the accident, what happened during the accident, and what happened after the accident, that is, how the communist special services purposefully tried to restrain the spread of information and, on the contrary, launch some fakes that it's okay. it happened very often, by the way, the methods that mr. volodymyr talks about, the actual concealment of information , are paralleled with similar methods during the three famines, by the soviet regime, for example, in one of the articles, one, more precisely, of your articles about chernobyl, first the information is called radiation, then, yes, you actually... analyzed in detail the extent to which this information blockade took place, that is, to what extent in each city, in each in the village, in every street, on every street... kgb agents were actually operating, collecting inform

the time, if this has been happening for 10 years already, in western money, the ukrainian institute of national memoryiousness, is demolishing monuments that are about a common history with russia, this monument in recent years was simply called the arch of friendship of peoples, people came here to relax at festivals , exhibitions of beautiful views of the dnieper, but some of russophobes saw that next to bogdan khmelnitsky was the russian boyar vasily buturlin, found out that the latter, as the tsar's ambassador, took the oath from the hetman and we ask, please your tsar's majesty, we, the faithful you have servants and subjects and defend against all adversity, so that your kingdom. and there was politically, ethnically, one might even say, genocide, because the poles considered themselves a superior race, in comparison with the little russians, as they believed, the russian people, and both of them considered themselves russians then. so they were saved, russia saved them. in odessa , the monument to empress catherine ii, by whose decree this city was founded, was demolished. there , a monument to

of ukrainians with their own history continues. so, the resident of kiev, mikhail bulgakov, turns out to be an imperialist, putinist and ukrainophobe. this conclusion was made by the ukrainian institute of national memory supervised by the cabinet of ministers, that is, this is a conclusion at the level of official ukrainian authorities. it says that... born ukrainian bulgakov despised ukrainians, despised ukrainian culture, disrespected the desire of the ukrainian people to gain independence, build a sovereign state, and also that because of all the russian writers of that time, mikhail afanasyevich stands closest to the current ideology of putinism. now in ukraine all monuments and names associated with the writer are considered. was born in ukraine and lived here for a long time, in his worldview he was an imperialist and hated everything ukrainian, he sympathized with the bolsheviks, welcomed their occupation of kiev, in every possible way glorifying the beauty, monuments to bulgakov, geographical names names in his honor, the institute recognized russian propaganda, among all russian writers of that time he stands closest to the current ideas of putinism, the kremlin’s justification for ethnocide

dying . proposes to rename chervonograd to sheptytsky, despite the fact that the ukrainian institute of national memoryposed the historical name kristinopol, for six months now the local population has been very actively opposed, once again holding public hearings here to demand that the verkhovna rada get rid of them and their native name chervonograd. glory to ukraine, there will be chervonograd. union, they are trying right now in germany, absolutely sick people, well, forget about the soviet foreign ministry of russia, they said that our embassy countries, germany received a notice of undesirability of participation, just think about the undesirability of participation of the russian delegation in commemorative events on the occasion of the 79th anniversary of liberation. concentration camps, and this despite the fact that it was the red army in january 1945 that liberated the largest nazi camp at asvenets. in this regard, let us also recall that the grandfather of the current head of mid-germany, anlen berbock, not only served in the wehrmacht, he was an ideological supporter of national socialism

these ukrainian nationalists, they were so offended that they gradually began to declare bulgakov an enemy of the ukrainian nation. there are some quotes just from this strange institute of national memory, an imperialist in his worldview, an ardent ukrainophobe, a writer, despite years of living in kiev, grounded ukrainians in their culture and hated ukrainian aspirations. spoke negatively about the formation of the ukrainian people and their leaders; of all the russian writers of that time, he is closest to the current ones the ideologists of the kremlin’s justification for ethnocide in ukraine, his worldview was in the position of russian imperialism, the white guards approved the expansion of russian communism. how can you even mix the white guard and russian communism? it’s important for us to rise a little higher to understand why all this is happening, what kind of institute of national memory is this, which was created back in priyushchenko in 2000? year, here we go straight to such strategic narratives related to the transformation of society, the americans are promoting this idea, they studied for a long time, they saw that they had invested a huge amount of money in the balka

bulgakov was ukrainian, although he himself considered himself a russian and was critical of ukrainians and ukrainian culture, with hatred, one might say, that's why the institute of national memoryntially called him such a ukrainophobe, but that's what he was, he wasn't any ukrainian, read him, read him, but you don't have to to tell that he is a great ukrainian, but ukrainians have remained in this colonial syndrome, well, we do not say that shlomo... was a great ukrainian, either roth, or juliusz slovacky, or joseph konrad, a brilliant writer, mariner of polish origin from berdycheva, we are not we say: "let's fight for konrad, for the fact that he was ukrainian, or no one says, let's fight for edichka limonov, because he's from kharkiv and his last name is savenko, and he's ukrainian, he's our writer." and here we sort of sort like this, this ukrainian, this non- ukrainian, a ukrainian is someone who is a part of ukrainian culture. speaks, communicates, creates in the ukrainian language, this is someone who does not reject, ukrainians are also good and bad, like representatives of all peoples and nations, there is nothing strange here either, so of course, this decolonization

kremlin’s justification for ethnocide in ukraine, this is what the institute of national memory believes. there is not a single ukrainian who would be positive, the author himself makes fun of the ukrainian language, ukrainian culture and the very desire of ukraine for statehood, in the position of russian megalomania and upholding a single indivisible empire, he did not present a single ukrainian character positively in his works, parodying, mockingly twists the ukrainian language. the anti-ukrainian content of the play marked the days of the turbens in russia creators back in february '29 at the congress of soviet, ukrainian and russian writers in moscow. the eradication of everything soviet and russian from ukraine is a direct consequence of their aggression , and everything that in one way or another connects us with the russians will inevitably fall under the catastrophe of destruction. languages ​​from the russians in nato today celebrate another bloody anniversary of 75 years, there is nothing to congratulate on 75 years to white collar workers and russophobes, who have not participated in major wars for a long t

the conclusion of the institute of national memory, will we leave it, or will it still have to be demolished, your own position, right? thank you, the expert commission of the ukrainian national memory, which was created to implement the law of ukraine on the condemnation of russian imperial policy, has adopted this conclusion, precisely about what is russian, what is the arch of friendship of peoples, or rather the monument, which the arch is part of friendship of peoples, is a symbol of russian imperial policy and is subject. removal from public space, this object attracted attention more than once, because it is known not only by its official name in kyiv, but it is also known as a yoke, yes, and obviously this characteristic of its symbol of the yoke, it is also present , it remains, and therefore to this object. attention was repeatedly drawn, there were attempts to reinterpret it, more precisely not reinterpretation, but redefinition, and even in this picture that is now on the screen... there is also the designation of the image a crack that was once inflicted, in the 22nd year a part of the monument was, individual elements of this monument were dismantled, a

happen, and now we see another the reason is because the institute of national memory recognized mykhailo bogakov as the russian emperor and ukrainian. phobom, today we will talk, but what does this mean and will the sbu law enforcement officers come to you, i don’t know who, and will those books, dog’s heart, master margarita, which are on your shelves, be taken away from you, and i confess honestly , are also on my shelves, but today we will decide what will happen to us next, well, to begin with, i will also tell you about such a rather loud news that cannot be ignored in our culture. spacious, after all, yevgeny nyschuk, whom we know in many guises, and in particular, as the voice of the maidan, an actor, as a former two-time minister of culture, as the chairman of the shevchenko prize, now he has become karmanych of the franko theater, and well, many people were seriously confused about this, and that's all because he is there... mykhailo zakharevich, who is in charge.