wide is the black underclass continue to struggle so many years after the civil-rights movement? dreaming about america where women and men are evaluated on the basis of their character rather than skin color.ht the fight for equal dignity for the political clout to and the goal of equality measured by outcome soughtted by means of government directed racially inclusive programs overshadowed the more challenging campaign for trueit solidarity based on a widespread recognition of the inherentni dignity of all people.ts beginning in 1980 s people began to identify justice on the basis of social cosmetics including how much b stuff did or did not have size of homes and number of college degrees, law school admission rates, loan approvals. instead of whether or not blacks are treated asar equals in our social structure.ed r equal treatment may yield unexpected results but it remains the better measurement of justice and creating results. and with the movement beginning in the mid 1960's through the 1970's those morris successful minority t groups are those who looked through mobility

why then does the black underclass continue to struggle so many years after the civil rights movement? martin luther king dreamt about an america where women and men are evaluated on the basis of their character rather than skin color. the fight for equal dignity, however, was derailed by a quest for political clout and bling. the goal of equality measured by outcomes, sought by means of government-directed racial inclusion programs overshadowed the more challenging campaign for true solidarity based on widespread recognition of the inherent dignity of all people. beginning in the 198 l 0s, many civil rights leaders began to identify justice on the basis of social cosmetics, including how much stuff blacks did or did not have compared to whites. size of homes, number of college degrees, income disparities, law school admission rates, loan approvals and the like. instead of whether or not blacks are treated as equals in our social structures. equal treatment by our legal and social institutions may yield unexpected results. but it remains a better measurement of justice than creating r

it was a feral underclass, cut off from mainstream society. three quarters with a criminal record. evidence of a penal system, incapable of preventing re- offending. >> it is no good just punishing them. we are failing to make sure tehy reformed willan be be reformed, given a more sinsiblensible approach. >> the riots have been seized upon for intelligent sentencing, and tha ttht the government shod look into the social deficit. a link between the riots and poverty go to here, the magistrate court. most of those charged -- a clear picture emerges when you plot the home addresses. >> manchester's riots see 200 charged. neighborhoods in the region show the places the rioters came from. they came from all areas, but the more poor, the more likely locals were involved. >> cheatam hill had a large collection of those charged. the local vicar says he has a high level of welfare dependency. >> the normal laws were felt to have been suspended. >> the people don't feel they normally have power? >> absolutely. there are few facilities, a difficult place to live and work. >> in manchester, th

significant -- it was determined that the project is categorically exempt from environmental review underclasses 1, 3, and four of ceqa guidelines. i will answer any questions that you have about this. president chiu: colleagues, any questions? ok, seeing none, why do i not see if there is any member of the public who wishes to speak for or against this? ok, seen there are none, this hearing has been closed, and supervisor avalos? supervisor avalos: i want to voice my support. this is in district 11. this is an area that often has a lot of unsafe activity, and by bringing this street into the park, expanding the park will have a great deal of impact to create safety in the neighborhood, and it is supported by the neighborhood folks, who are here, waiting in the back, and i urge you, colleagues, to support this. thank you. president chiu: colleagues, can we take this item, same house, call? this item is passed on the first hearing. that concludes these. why do we not move to general public comments? clerk: this is an opportunity for members of the public to address the board for up to two minutes

clear of responsibility that will make sure that they can't feed all the resentment of a young underclass in the middle east because that's where the problem started and now the heads being cut off from all this that it remains to be seen how much of the monster still wriggling out over his life torch roberts thank you very much for this into. motion. twenty years ago largest country in the. disappearance of. six. months had been committed to each began a journey. where did it take them. to live. it's just so. easy to. mission. couldn't take three. three. three. three stooges three. free media. the official. video. feeds in the palm of your. question. the greek prime minister says he's confident his country can pull out of the crisis ahead of talks with the german chancellor in the meantime the government. more unpopular as a. u.n. security council prepares to submit the palestinian statehood bid despite fears objections from. the palestinians could still gain partial recognition from the general assembly where they already have a majority of support. out of. the country struggles to crea

and the poor and the sort of journalistic sams but we seeing essentially a constellation of the underclass and i don't like using that word but even on the class we seeing a middle class of conflict being squeezed for all the reasons i don't said and we seeing a tiny tiny upper class i'm not using that so many social sense already in an economic one is getting much much richer than anyone ever before where you know that their wealth is going up by a factor of ten one hundred or more and you know that china has a similar problem because it has now got the fastest rates or that's going to fastest growth of billionaires you know soon london property prices will be pushed up in that segment apologized to her with growing middle class simultaneously do so sure about that the fact because is. of capitalism that we're dealing with does polarized society even in a very different context so yes you have the right about the middle class in china but china but also our experience and is already experiencing social strife and conflict because of this polarization it takes on different forms but perhap

clear quite a bit of responsibility make sure that they can't feed all the resentment for young underclass of the middle east because that's where the problem you have started. the hades being cut off from all this that it remains to be seen how much of the monster that still wriggling out over his life george robertson thank you very much for this into. motion. twenty years ago this country. since you isn't. much help to me. each began a journey. where did it take to. the are live. pictures. mission. critics say should three. years three. months three. three stooges three. hold free books videos for your media projects and free media. the official. touch from the. video. smiling. and streets in the palm of your. call. the greek prime minister says he's confident his country can pull out of the crisis ahead of talks with the german chancellor in the meantime the government in athens is preparing to approve more unpopular taxes as it tries to convince european lenders and over another slice of a bailout for a looming default. the u.n. security council prepares to submit the palestinian stat

they were the underclass and target of a hysterical highly orchestrated campaign of statewide xenophobian the san what king value might be met with a sign that said negros and okees upstairs. ones that no negros, dogs for k okees served. he started circling and the migrant camps in 1938 and this is where he ran to the old radicals who have a sense of the bigger picture as they saw it. as joe klein described it in woody's biography, these old radicals would mutter have coherent about the capitalist, rich bastards and reach into their pockets and pull out a battered old red card that proved they had been members of the wildest, most violent, julius and disorganized gang of reds ever to strike fear into the hearts of the american bourgeoisie. industrial workers of the world. i don't know why he uses the past tense. that is my membership card. really trying hard. lot of people think they were wiped out in the red scare of 1919-1920. they weren't wiped out. just went underground to await the invention of the internet. you can pay by direct debit. guthrie was infected by their humor and cynici

america promoted by billionaires an olive groves one of a wealthy ruling elite looking down on a vast underclass of working poor and a sliver of something that used to look like the middle class it's not about failed supply side economics anymore it's about a great forgetting to use daniel quinn's term and a reeducation of this nation. just getting by is now the new normal and if we don't remember soon what the american dream used to stand for and just how important the middle class was in making america the economic superpower that was for most of the twentieth century but america will quickly come to resemble mexico let's stop forgetting and start remembering. that's the big picture for tonight for more information on the stories we covered this in our website at tom hartman dot free speech dot org dot com you also check out our two you tube channel sarah links over thom hartmann dot com entire show is also available as a free podcast on i tunes and you have a free thom hartmann i phone or i pad app but the app store is honest feedback on twitter and tom others who are on facebook autonomy sco

homeless, unemployed, and california at that time and from california you were a oakie, the white underclassnott side that said negros and oakie upstairs at least one record has posted a sign saying no negros, dogs or oakies served. as it's in that atmosphere he began serving around the camps around 1938, and this is where he began to run for the radicals that had a sense of the bigger picture as they saw. and again, as joe klein describes it in his biography, he says these old radicals around the campfire mudder have coherently about the capitalist, the rich bastards, and then they would reach into their pocket and pulled out a battered old red card that proved they had been members of the wildest most violent julius and completely disorganized gang of redds ever to strike fear into the hearts of the american bourgeoisie to read industrial workers of the world. i.w.w.. a lot of people think that they were wiped out in the great red scare of 1919, 1920. we weren't wiped out, we just want to wait for the invention of the internet. so it's i.w.w. and you can pay by direct debit. anyway, and th

lattin, privileged, protect good, pampered public sector employee is the fact that there is a huge underclasson the recently organized at the second tier of recently diaz public-sector employment, who are losing their rights and recently acquired contract detections. ohio with the stroke of a pen destroyed two units. one seiu of health care aides at risk in wisconsin and so on in other states. so within the public sector, at all levels of the occupational structure, workers are coming together, a line with students, with the community, with what remains the jury union activism to fend off these attacks. one of the things that i think is most inspiring to see in the bottom-up solidarity, sea and the rank-and-file initiatives commenced in the costing and networking, seeing people voicing their opposition to these attacks on collective bargaining and through mass actions that we haven't seen since public employees for scott organized in the 60s and 70s and industrial workers had the great upsurge in the 1930s. the question of course is going to be how to institutionalize that? part of the activi

benefit-laden, privileged, protected, pampered public sector employee is the fact that there is a huge underclass only recently organized at the second tier of recently-unionized public sector employment who are losing their rights and their recently- acquired contract protections. kasich in ohio has destroyed two units, one afsme, one seiu, there's a big group of home health care aides at risk in wisconsin and so on in other states. so within the public sector at all levels of the occupational structure workers are coming together, allying with students, with the community, with what remains a private sector union activism to fend off these attacks. one of the things that i think is most inspiring is seeing the bottom-up solidarity, seeing the rank and file initiative, seeing the cross-union networking, seeing the people voicing their opposition to these attacks on collective bargaining in through mass actions, you know, that we haven't seen since public employees first got organized in the '60s and '70s and industrial workers had their upsurge in the 1930s. the question, of course, is how do we

if you do not want to depress the wages of all workers in the united states, you do not want an underclass that can be exploited with depressed wages. you want to have those people out of the darkness, into the light, fully engaged, paying taxes. you want them fully engaged in the economy where they will contribute and you will not see depression of wages for other sectors. that is why the economy is not an obstacle for reform and why it should be a catalyst for reform. >> we are trying to build a robust economy of the future. you cannot do that on top of a broken immigration system. it is essential to our economic future to do this well. >> even with the robust deportations, there are still 11 million undocumented workers who will be here. >> there are more undocumented people in the united states than our citizens of -- are citizens of hungary. >> today is the future. [speaking spanish] [laughter] today we are all here because of the importance of the law for the whole community. >> explain to me why during the first year of years of the obama administration when you were in the majority

if you do not want to depress the wages of all workers in the united states, you do not want an underclassd be exploited. you want to have people out of the darkness and into the light, fully engaged, paying their taxes and for those who do not have the social security card, fully engaged in the economy where they will contribute. you will not seek depression. that is all reasons why the economy is not an obstacle to reform should be a catalyst. >> every party of this administration has been about put in the economy back on a solid footing. we're trying to build the economy of the future. you cannot do not on a broken immigration system. >> we are going to understand that even with the robust -- there are still alive and million undocumented workers. >> there are more undocumented people in the united states then the citizens of hungry. -- hungary. >> your costing the future. [speaking spanish] today we're here because of the importance the law house for the community. >> let me ask you a question i probably shouldn't and i will anyway. explain to me why, during the first two years of the

you do not want to depress the wages of all workers in the united states, then you don't want an underclassthat can be exploited and therefore depressed wages. you want to have those people out of the darkness into the light fully engaged paying their taxes and for those that are not maybe don't have the fictitious social security card or the taxpayer i.d. card would fully engaged in economy though they will contribute and where you will not see the depression of wages for all other sect errs. that is all reasons why the economy is not an obstacle to reform but should be a catalyst for reform. >> every domestic rarity of this administration is banal about putting the economy back on solid footing. we are trying to build up robust economy of the future. you can do that on top of a broken immigration system. it really is essential to our economic future. >> we are going to understand even with a robust deportation that has occurred during the last dirty month there is still 11 million undocumented workers. they are going to be here tomorrow. >> they are more undocumented people in the united

so why do you think that okay, if you help the underclass, you know, there's the perception of it socialism, but it's not viewed in the same if you bailout a larger company that you know, the corporate welfare is almost the same. >> welcome that's an excellent question. i've asked myself, but i don't have an answer as to why we don't see corporate welfare as we don't recognize corporate welfare but we do recognize we don't even have welfare anymore, but we certainly determined to get rid of social welfare. so i don't know. i don't know. the similarity seems clear to me i can't hear you. >> what part of the opposition to president obama do you feel those racial, and at first this might seem obvious, but clinton had such an ugly opposition as well. think that's just part of the system now or is that hard to determine? >> the question, what part of the opposition to president obama do i think is racial. i don't know. 48.3%? [laughter] 52.9, you know, i think it's a lot. and some of it i think is consciously racial, and some of it probably is not explicit or conscious, but for some people waiti

what do you think that, okay, if you help the underclass there is a perception or socialism.t is not viewed in the same way if you bail of a larger company. corporate welfare. >> welcome and that is an excellent question. i don't have an answer as to why we don't see corporate welfare, we don't recognize corporate welfare and we do recognize -- well, we don't even have welfare anymore. we are certainly determined to get rid of social welfare. so, you know, i don't know. i don't know. the similarity seems clear to me i can't hear you. >> what part of the opposition to president obama did you feel is racial? at first it might seem obvious, but clinton has such an upward opposition as well. duty that is part of the system now? >> the question, what part of the opposition to president obama did i think is racial, i don't know. 48 percent. 52i think it is a lot. some of it i think is consciously racial and some of it is broadly -- probably not to listen or conscious. for some people i think his race militates against legitimacy in some way. it is striking to me of the extent to wh