russians pushing to be more aggressive, and the united states until recently completely uninterestedthis situation or crisis that was obvious when i was there back in the fall, and now we have the mess and the crisis and the deaths and sufferings that you pointed out and our viewers are now seeing. >> when you were there in the fall was there a fear it could get to this? >> absolutely. there was great concern that the european union and the united states was uninterested in russia's aggressive tactics to them. the russians wanted them not to sign the european trade agreements that would have brought them closer to russia. the russians said no, join our customs union. they cooperate join both. russians put on the pressure, and the ukranians basically gave in and now the americans are creaming that the russians are behaving badly. no, they are behaving as russians are going to behave when they feel they can get away from it. >> president obama said it is not a cold war cress board. he is warns was consequences and sanctions and calling on the president to withdraw the troph. >> in the

associate something he found interesting with something that had been said that by itself was uninterestingit just stood out. you were in semishock listening to him. i was also impressed by the support and warmth he gave students. for all his brilliance, keynes was a realist and one deeply concerned about the effects of economic theory on everyday life. seeing the world as it was, keynes argued that the depression could last longer than imagined. the general theory of employment, interest, and money, published in 1936, was devastating to traditional economics. not everyone was ready for the theory of aggregate demand or government intervention. i read it and rebelled. it didn't fit in. i was not accepting something just because it was new. so like a seminarian fighting, uh... against theology, i rebelled and i rebelled. it was a long period of conversion that lasted about a year and a half. it was a painful effort. keynes said it would be hard to get rid of the old ideas. the new ideas were easy. this was in the general theory's preface. to be a keynesian in 1937, 1938 was to be not able to

but at the end you're fairly uninterested and going far to score them in the contemporary debate. >> reporter: this is a book about burke and paine. i thought i would end with a what would burke do and paine chapter, but in the end i want to let the book speak were itself. i think it helps liberals and conservatives understand the views better. understand where they different from people. i think it is more useful as a presentation of what seems to be one of the first instances of the left right divide. and in an attempt to show how the line goes from here to there. the line, of course, isn't going to the same way. a lot changed about the left and right and also our circumstances. socialism and capitalism are not part of this debate and that changed things some. they are showing you where the basic differences of approaches and definition between left and right, are different understandings of what the liberal society is, comes from and what they look like in their original form. one of the reasons why paine and the left cave under the constitution becomes clear reading paine, versus

many of them are totally uninterested.utin belongs to a very small group of world leaders, very small, who thinks this is important. he would do something -- he recently came to the commercial of the children's chorus, rehearsal. it was christmas day in russia. basically the president like all of us has a right to simply be free. he chose to be there with the kids represnting russia. >> having the president show an interest in arts in russia is one thing. on the other hand political freedom in russia has gone backwards in the last 10 years, wouldn't you say? >> yes and no. the '90s was not a freedom you dream of. that's my modest opinion. i've known you for some time. i have no reason to in vent anything. i'm so grown up. i made up my mind on many things already. i looked at mr. putin for many years and looked. i wanted him to act and not promise. that's why today i can talk about him. i just looked. again, it's not only important thing for the country, culture -- it is important. russia without culture is not a country. i

. >> when he says he's not uninterested in running for presidency, it should be a no-brainer to not believe order in the senate. >> in charge of the stimulus, iraq policy, front and center on the response to newtown. >> it's krcritically important act. >> and by the president's side for major decisions, even if he advised against them, like he did for the bin laden raid. the president announced that the vice president would be focusing on the issues that voters care the most about. jobs. >> train americans with the skills employers need and match them to good jobs that need to be filled right now. >> but biden's more than 40 years in politics are often overshadowed by a history of misspeaking, shall we say, such as at this irish prime minister meeting. comments like that earned him frequent lampooning, such as this "snl" skit. >> irish is i come over there and wipe that look off your face. >> he is still very much in demand. >> i've been invited to go into well over 120 races so far. >> and had the weather not stopped his momentum, he would be hosting a retreat tonight in maryland as well.

many of them are totally uninterested. to a very small group of world leaders, very small group, who thinks this is actually very important and he would do something -- he recently came to the rehearsal of the children's chorus, rehearsal, it was christmas day in russia, basically, president like all of us has a right to simply be free, you know. he chose to be there with the kids who represented all regions of russia. >> having the president show an interest in art and opera, is one thing. on the other hand, political freedom in russias has gone backwards in the last ten years, wouldn't you say? >> yes, and no. because of '90s we're not really a freedom you dream of. that's my again, modest opinion. i've known you for some time and i have no reason to invent anything, again, i'm so grown up, i made up my mind on many, many things already and i looked at mr. putin for many years and just looked, and i wanted him to act, not to promise, and that's why today i can talk about him, because i just look at actions. again, it's n

we were completely uninterested when putin started to strong arm this president and to say you will not join the west. you will not become a member of the european union. you will join with us in our custom's union. as we stand by, soviet union, which we thought was dead, is being reconstituted in the form of the new russia, with vladimir putin. he will think he can do whatever he wants in the region if we let him get away with it. >> is judith right, but can we blame putin? putin is saying i can play this guy if i want to and can take ultimate control of the region? >> absolutely, misread putin for more than ten years. he does not have a soul. what we saw is a desire for compromise, he sees a zero tolerance for influence. he doesn't want the united states influencing ukraine or anywhere else in the form of soviet union. what happens in kiev doesn't stay in kiev. we have to show our allies in the region, estonia, latvia, that we have their back. >> i think the people here have their back and they get very, very nervous. what does it mean and do we have any options? i don't think we do.

so when he says he is uninterested in seeking the presidency, it shouldn't be a no-brainer to refusedisbelieve him. by the way joe not undermining the economy. he would owe reversing all efforts to negate unemployment. on the record coming out not blocking antiprogressive legislation that doesn't not destabilize. joe biden, no compelling not to vote for the opposite of his opponent. i'm joe biden and do not fully and especially not partially endorse this message. [ laughter ] >> not. thanks for inviting us into your home tonight. that is it for this "special report," fair, balanced and unafraid. greta goes "on the record" right now. >> rush limbaugh blasting president obama about the latest obamacare delay. >> it's purely political and the entire washington, d.c. political spectrum understands now. think are not delaying the implementation because it -- they are not delaying it to help anybody except themselves. they are not delaying the implementation because they are having trouble getting it right because they are never going to get it right. it's never going to do what it was adv

so when he says he is not uninterested in seeking the presidency, it shouldn't be a no-brainer to refusedisbelieve him. biden won't just not undermine the economy, he will oppose reversing all efforts to negate unemployment. joe biden. no compelling reason not to vote for the opposite of his opponent. >> i guess you could say that was -- well, it wasn't unamusing. >>> next up, the genie is out of the bottle when it comes to pot and politicians these days. the issue has been more or less moot since bill clinton notoriously said he didn't inhale way back in '92. senator marco rubio became the latest politician to confront that famous question now that florida is considering a referendum on medical marijuana. and while his answer seems reasonable and well thought out, it is still a dodge. here he was at a q&a at an event yesterday in miami. >> young voters have asked me and they're curious to know, have you ever smoked marijuana? >> you know why i never answer that question? i'll tell you why i never answer that question. if i tell you i haven't, you won't believe me. if i tell you i did, k

and at the time he gave me this book, i was uninterested in politics he was trying to convince me thatld be. and it turned my whole life upside down because this short book detailed the history of american involvement in vietnam and documented very well why there was no reason for us to be there. it was about empire. not about democracy. all the things that i had been told by the media and society at large, we were over there and we were all alive area and so was quite a difficult thing to accept because this wasn't i just wasn't used to the idea of thinking that people were lying to me. but the quakers were in organization i had a lot of respect for. it came from a religious that ground. there was a process involved that i was convinced that they were right. and so at that point i just felt like i had to do something about this. so i hope that answers your question. >> each of you describe this. >> i guess that i always felt that we are concerned about the underdog. and we are particularly aware of the children in east harlem. and the inequality that goes on there. then i moved on fro

and at the time he gave me this book, he was, basically, i was uninterested this politics, and he wasto convince me that i should be. and he gave me this book to read, and it really turned my whole life upside down because this very short book detailed the history of american involvement in vietnam and documented very well why there was absolutely no legitimate reason whatsoever for us to be there. it wasn't about democracy, it was about empire. and that all the things that i had been told by the media and by society at large and by the, by my schooling having to do with why we were over there were all lies. and so it was quite a difficult thing to accept for me because i just wasn't used to the idea of thinking that people were lying to me. but, you know, quakers were an organization i had a lot of respect for. i was, you know, came from a very religious background, and there was a process involved, but basically, when i came out the other end of the tunnel, i was convinced that they were right and what i had previously believed was completely wrong. and so at that point i just felt

talented faculty who might be uninterested in esoteric publish or perish types of research often required for tenure at more traditional institutions could focus their energy on classroom excellence and it being better teachers. groups of professors could strike out on their own forming new business of models like medical practices. they can offer high-quality education for a fraction of the cost at a traditional university. have a level playing field for new innovators . they could see where empowered students and teachers can take that kind of technology. turn highers could education into a cutting-edge growth in history -- industry. associations of civil society could play a crucial role in this kind of system as well. nonprofit groups like the u.s. historical society or the seer club or the mayo clinic -- the sierra club or the mayo clinic could provide competency exams. think of the opportunities that could come of this. faith organizations could give local students accredited college courses. they could do so for next to nothing and they could do so as part of their mission for thos

>> i uninterested with an employee benefits. there is a 6 percent chance to be reemployed. . . the government can modulate this program and say all right really give you the money but we won't give me the money to set up the home and dream up an idea. we are giving you money so you can get training so that you can understand if you can do this and then start the business. that's just one. the interdependent -- interdepartmental work but there are small initiatives. helping seniors entrepreneurs is not going to take millions of dollars. >> we are unfortunately pulling on my coattail because we are out of time. perhaps we can bring the committee back together to talk about microlending because there may be a component than camby salter microloans. thank you very much. >> senator collins. >> thank you mr. chairman and ironically i am going to start off just where my colleague senator scott left off. it seems to me that it may well be harder for seniors to get the financing that they need and i see a lot of nodding of heads on the panel. even though it may be a small amount, and an

in innovating states, talented faculty who might be uninterested in esoteric publish or perish types of research that are often required for tenure at a more traditional institution could instead focus their energy on classroom excellence. on being better teachers. rather than on the constant push for more research and more publication. groups of professors could strike out on their own, forming new business models like medical practices. they could offer high quality, higher education for a fraction of the cost of four years at a traditional university. states could finally start to level the playing field for new innovators like moocs. these massive open online courses. and see where empowered students and teachers could take that kind of technology. these reforms would begin to turn higher education into the cutting edge growth industry our information economy needs to be -- desperately needs to become. institutions of civil society could play a crucial role in this kind of system as well. nonprofit groups like -- measuring exams for various courses. think of the proliferation of

uninterested in esoteric publish or perish types they can focus their energy on classroom excellenceand being that are teachers and so the constant push for more research and publication. rather than on the constant push for more research and more publication. groups of professors could strike out on their own, forming new business models like medical practices. they could offer high quality, higher education for a fraction of the cost of four years at a traditional university. states could finally start to level the playing field for new innovators like moocs. these massive open online courses. and see where empowered students and teachers could take that kind of technology. these reforms would begin to turn higher education into the cutting edge growth industry our information economy needs to be -- desperately needs to become. institutions of civil society could play a crucial role in this kind of system as well. nonprofit groups like -- measuring exams for various courses. think of the proliferation of opportunities that could come from this. faith communities and civic organizat

in the income you are fairly uninterested in really going very far in trying to score these things in the contemporary clinical debate. >> guest: it's a book about burke and paine. i certainly thought about whether it should end with a kind of what would burke, what would paine do chapter. in the end i decided that would take away from the discussion itself because if you let work and paine speak for themselves and their not shine quite clear about what they think, i think it helps both liberals and conservatives understand their own views better, understand te views of the other better, understand where they differ from people who i describe is maybe the origins of the own way of thinking and what they don't. i think it's more useful as a presentation of what seems to be one of the first institutions of the left-right divide in a recognizable way in an attempt to try to show how the line goes from here today. because the light doesn't go in a straight way. a lot has changed about the left and right. allow this change about our circumstances. i would say especially a long century and