union membership peaked in 1935 up from 2.7 percent at the turn of the 20th century and remains thigh through the 1960s. under pre-new deal conditions the assets went along to survive or pitched intense battles against bosses that threatened social stability. they could channel their demands to recognize unions and mass political parties. in a way this model make explicit what ordinary people knew, that economic lives involve coercion that gave them a measure of power to which they had long been subjected. restoring political exchange capitalism before most requires boosting union density, i share of the labor force belonging to labor organizations and today that figure sunk to six percent following along the line that t began in the 1970s. apologists loor the current state of affairs claim this is because unions have lost their luster among employees or because our nations globalization shifted manufacturing out of the united states. if organized labor lousy reputation is the lie showing that unions are more popular now than they have been in a half century the need to desire to be r

the result union membership peaked in 1945 at 33%, up from 2.7% at the turn of the 20th century and remains high throughout the 1950s and 60s. under new deal commissions the asset winds along to survive or pitch intense battles against bosses that threatens social stability. post the deal they could channel the demands they recognized unions and mass political parties. this model made explicit with ordinary people what they knew that economic life involves coercion but also gave them a measure of power to negotiate the coercion to what they had been subjected. restoring political exchange capitalism then foremost requires boosting union density thebe share of the labor force belonging to labor organizations. today that figure has sunk to 6% of the private economy along a long decline that began as you know in the 1970s. apologists from the current state of affairs claim just because unions have lost their luster among employees or because automation and globalization shifted manufacturing under the united states. organized laborr supposedly is the light by recent polling showing that units

union membership peaked in 1945 at 33%, up from 2.7% at the turn of the 20th century and remained high throughout the 1950s and sixties. under pre-new deal conditions, the asset class went to survive or pitched battles against bosses that sometimes threatened social stability. post new deal. they could channel their demands through recognize unions and mass political parties. in a way, this model made explicit what ordinary people already knew that economic involves coercion. but it also gave them a measure of power to negotiate coercion to which they had long been subjected. restoring political exchange capitalism. then, for most requires boosting union density. the share of the labor force belonging to labor organizations. today, that figure has sunk to percent in the private economy following a long decline that began, as you know, in the 1970s. now, apologists for the current state of affairs claim that this is because unions have their luster among their employees, among employees, or because automation and globalization shifted manufacturing out of the united states. yet organize

when union membership was a lot larger in the country than it is now. so in 1979, the uaw peaked at 1.5 million members. during its most recent strike, only about 300,000 members. you saw joe biden go to a picket line and it wasn't this boisterous scene, it was maybe like 20 people around him. and that just kind of reflects the overall diminished power i think of labor unions in the electorate not just overall, but in terms of their political power. but there really has been emerging a split between the union leadership, which again, still strongly in the democratic camp and the rank and file that has been shifting more and more over into republican camp. host: our next caller is steve, federal way washington, independent line. caller: good morning and thank you for c-span. i wonder if the guest would comment on the project 2025 by the american enterprise institute and a number of other think tanks. and my question would be in light of the number of think tanks and individuals behind that project, if it matters which republican might become president. and the second question woul

when union membership was a lot larger in the country than it is now. so in 1979, the uaw peaked at 1.5 million members. during its most recent strike, only about 300,000 members. you saw joe biden go to a picket line and it wasn't this boisterous scene, it was maybe like 20 people around him. and that just kind of reflects the overall diminished power i think of labor unions in the electorate not just overall, but in terms of their political power. but there really has been emerging a split between the union leadership, which again, still strongly in the democratic camp and the rank and file that has been shifting more and more over into republican camp. host: our next caller is steve, federal way washington, independent line. caller: good morning and thank you for c-span. i wonder if the guest would comment on the project 2025 by the american enterprise institute and a number of other think tanks. and my question would be in light of the number of think tanks and individuals behind that project, if it matters which republican might become president. and the second question woul